Plenary

We'll move on to the next item, and the next item is—and my screen has frozen. Cwestiynau—yes, thank you for waving at me, Counsel General, it's your questions—to the Counsel General and Minister for Constitution.

The first question is from Delyth Jewell.

Thank you for your question. The Welsh Government has repeatedly expressed concerns to the UK Government about women who had their state pension age raised without effective or sufficient notification. We await the full report of the ombudsman’s investigation, which will recommend actions for the Department for Work and Pensions to remedy the injustice found.

I declare an interest because my mother is one of the Women Against State Pension Inequality women. The WASPI women—women denied their pensions—have been campaigning for seven long years and still await the parliamentary ombudsman’s resolution report into the DWP’s handling of their situation. The report is due to be released very soon, but information that has reached the press has garnered significant concern that any compensation given to the women will be very little, reportedly just a few hundred pounds for all of the 1950s women. That is far short of what has been snatched from them. If these reports turn out to be true, it will represent a catastrophic injustice done to these women, discriminated against and targeted because of their gender and their age.

Can you please set out what your legal advice will be to the Welsh Government in these circumstances as to how they can support the WASPI women in their campaign? What routes of legal redress would there be for them? Could they legally challenge the ombudsman’s findings, and could you please release, Counsel General, all responses you’ve received to previous letters that you have sent to the UK Government about this campaign?

Thank you for that supplementary question. Just by way of general comment to your question, I think the treatment of women born in the 1950s by successive Conservative Governments remains a national scandal. Since the launch of the WASPI campaign in 2015, more than 200,000 WASPI women have died without ever seeing or receiving pension justice, so the women who continue to be affected by this issue have already been disadvantaged as a result of two hikes to the state pension age, and now we learn that the current UK Government is considering doing it all over again. Can I say that, since 2016, the Welsh Government has been writing to the UK Government to highlight our concerns regarding the communication of changes to the women’s state pension age? I will continue to make those representations. I will have to access the correspondence in respect of the replies that we have had, and I can write to you separately about that.FootnoteLink

What I can also say though, is, of course, the latest findings from Stage 2 of the Parliamentary and Health Service Ombudsman report are that there was a maladministration in the DWP’s communication about national insurance qualifying years, and complaint handling. And I believe that it must be the case that, for those who’ve been so adversely affected, the finding must be that that damage must be rectified and people must be properly compensated; the many thousands of people who had to carry on working year after year, despite the fact that the contract that they agreed—many, many years ago in their youth with regard to their pension age and what their entitlements would be—was broken. It was a sad breach and I believe they’re entitled to be properly compensated for that.

Thank you very much for the question, Mabon.

These regulations, which came into force in December 2022, are complex and they were subject to an urgent drafting window. We are very grateful to the work of the Legislation, Justice and Constitution Committee’s report on these regulations, and we've taken steps to address the points that were raised by the committee, including an amending instrument which will be brought forward shortly.

Thank you for that response. You will recall what appeared to me, at least, before Christmas, as being a farce in this Chamber as we were forced to vote on legislation that was entirely inappropriate. It was said at that point that it would be corrected at the first possible opportunity. We’ve just heard that it hasn’t been corrected and we are over two months into the new year. Are you content that the new regulations will be fit for purpose in legal terms, and could you give us a date as to when they will be corrected?

Well, I certainly am content that the regulations will be fit for purpose, and that any adjustments or alterations that need to be made will be done in the appropriate way. The regulations themselves provide, obviously, for the continuation of the existing legal framework within Wales and Great Britain for the importation of live animals and animal products, so they are important regulations. They were made in December 2022. As you know, your committee made a number of recommendations in respect of those. I wrote to the Legislation, Justice and Constitution Committee on 18 January 2023, and again on 15 February 2023. The correspondence is in the public domain. It details the process that will be used when correcting drafting deficiencies and the use of correction slips.

Questions now from the party spokespeople. The Conservative spokesperson, Darren Millar.

Diolch, Llywydd. Minister, will you provide a statement on the budget for the Independent Commission on the Constitutional Future of Wales?

There have been previous statements and responses to questions that have set out the budget—that's all in the public domain. I don't think there's any dispute or any lack of any transparency about what that budget amounts to.

Can I welcome you back from your recent mission to Ukraine, which we were all cheering you on with, along with Alun Davies, our other Senedd colleague, and wish you a very happy St David's Day?

I appreciate the response that you've given, and we have crossed swords on this issue of the budget on a number of occasions in the past. But we know that one of the things that you have asked the constitutional commission to do is to consider how it can develop progressive principal options to strengthen Welsh democracy and deliver improvements for the people of Wales. Now, you've set out in the draft budget for the Welsh Government for the next two years, an extra £2.2 million that is going to be spent, and many people are asking me—and I'm sure they're asking people on your benches too, Minister—whether that's a good use of public money, given the other challenges that Wales is currently facing. As you well know, the Welsh Government receives £1.20 for every £1 that's spent on a devolved matter in England, and the public, it seems to me, want that money spending on issues like schools, hospitals, roads and other priorities, all of which you appear to be disinvesting in. You're spending it, of course, on this commission—a commission to support what we perceive to be an attempt to do some power grabbing from Westminster. So, the commission is scheduled to complete its work by the end of this calendar year—by December of this year. Why on earth have you put more money in that budget line, to take it through to March 2025, if it's going to be finishing its work this year?

Well, can I firstly thank you for your comments about my recent visit to Ukraine, and thank you, and also the other Members, for the support that was given? You may have seen from social media that the considerable materials that were taken over were on the front line in Ukraine within 24 hours, and that perhaps highlights the urgency but the importance of support, and also the fact, of course, that I think there are more Welsh flags flying on the Ukrainian front line at the moment than from any other country. But I think the recognition of that connection—. Bearing in mind Donetsk, where much of the fighting is taking place, of course, was developed by a Welshman, and formerly known as Hughesovka, after John Hughes. So, we have a connection there. So, thank you for those particular comments.

In respect of the independent commission, as you say, it has another 12 months' work or so to go. It has to publish a report. So, obviously, a significant amount of expenditure will be involved in completing that, particularly as, when I met with the members of the commission, they were outlining very clearly the work they were going to do, which was to try to get to those aspects of communities, people and individuals that are very, very difficult to engage with. I don't think this is a waste. It was Aneurin Bevan who said that the trouble with the Conservative Party is that they know the price of everything and the value of nothing. I put a very high value on our democracy, and I think there is a challenge over our democracy, in terms of turnouts, in terms of engagement, in terms of the way in which people perceive politics and believe that their voice actually counts. So, I think what is happening at the moment, and at a moment of constitutional instability—that what we are doing is very, very important. It's very important to look to the future of our democracy, our governance, how we engage with our communities, how we're perceived by the communities and how democracy works within Wales. So, I think you will find—. I'm absolutely convinced that, by the end of this, you will stand up and you will say, 'Well, I made all these comments in the past, but I'm satisfied now that this has been real value for money for the future.'

Well, I always reflect on my comments, but I can't, still, understand why on earth, given that the commission is supposed to complete its work in the current calendar year, you have allocated expenditure that takes it through to March 2025. You still haven't answered that principal question. Why is a commission, which is due to be finished, having in your budget line—in the Welsh Government's indicative budget for 2024-25—this £1.1 million further? It seems to me that that is a waste of resource, and, particularly, when we have people across Wales right now struggling with the pressures of the cost-of-living issues that they face, when we know that our NHS continues to be under significant pressure, when people have still, unfortunately, according to the Programme for International Student Assessment—not me, Joyce Watson—the worst education system in the UK, and the lowest take-home pay? Why is it that you would allocate a further £1.1 million for this, what we regard as an unnecessary commission, in the year after it has completed its work? We still haven't had an answer to that question, and I would request one once again.

Well, I'll give you the answer. I think the answer is that, once the commission has produced its report and its findings, that isn't necessarily the end of the matter. There is a process, then, of engagement. There is a process of involvement to actually turn the conclusions—well, to explain the conclusions, to engage with those who've participated, but also, then, to seek how you can convert those conclusions into practical change. And I think that's a process that doesn't suddenly end in one January, the moment the report is actually delivered.

If we really want to see this report being more than just another document that analyses all the problems and the issues that we've raised with regard to our constitution, I think there has to be a process that engages. If, of course, the work ceases before then—if that work is actually concluded earlier—then, obviously, that money won't be spent. But unless you've actually budgeted for it, it can't happen, particularly if it needs to happen.

The Retained EU Law (Revocation and Reform) Bill, which was only introduced in September of last year, has been an unmitigated disaster—designed to remove all remaining retained EU law from the UK statute book by the tenth anniversary of the Brexit referendum at the very latest. The Bill introduces a sunset clause, whereby the majority of retained EU law—thousands of pieces of legislation—will be automatically disapplied after 31 December 2023, unless it's otherwise preserved as assimilated law.

On 18 November, the independent Regulatory Policy Committee issued its view that the Bill's impact assessment is not fit for purpose. The committee rated aspects of the impact assessment, such as its rationale and the cost-benefit analysis, as either 'weak' or 'very weak'. In early January, the Department for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy admitted it had spent £600,000 on staffing costs alone in just two months as part of its review of the Bill, despite holding responsibility for only 318 pieces of retained EU law.

In light of this brief snapshot of the cost to the UK Government of this ill-thought-out Bill, what is the Welsh Government's current estimate of the resource demands, both in terms of cost and staffing, arising from the ongoing review of Welsh-specific retained EU law?

Thank you for that question, and it's a very important question, and it's a very difficult question to answer. If I start, perhaps, with the resource part first, it's very difficult to say what the precise resources are. These are conversations and discussions that I will be having. I've been having discussions; they are ongoing. It's a bit difficult to evaluate the resources that are necessary to deal with what we don't know. There is so much we don't know in terms of, firstly, what the UK Government is going to do in those aspects of retained law. We obviously have to analyse ourselves, and I've obviously been looking at a list of all the Welsh retained EU law that we would want to consider. It's difficult to consider what might happen to that, because, to some extent, that depends on what decisions might be taken in England, because so many of these areas relate to, for example, issues of enforcement, common governance and so on.

So, there are many unknown factors that are actually involved. So, we're trying to do that evaluation. We're also uncertain precisely as to what the precise nature of the Bill is going to be. The view of the Welsh Government is that the Bill should be withdrawn. It serves actually no real purpose whatsoever. It is really the most appalling way of dealing with legislation. The idea that you can suddenly just wipe out thousands of pieces of legislation by a particular deadline without any real time to consider what the implications of those are and what the implications are for devolution—.

The House of Lords is currently discussing the Bill. So, it's at Committee Stage; it will go to Report Stage within a couple of weeks. There are obviously areas there where we would like to see amendments being made to it. We'd like particularly the issue of concurrent powers to be resolved, that UK Government will not exercise powers in respect of devolved areas without consent of the Welsh Government. I think the other area is, of course, in terms of the time period. If UK Government has a get out of jail card in respect of being able to extend the sunset deadline, we will ask for that as well. Why should we not have that exact opportunity as well? So, there are many factors to this Bill that are undecided at this stage, and the issue of resources is going to be a significant one. I'm sure there will be further questions to me on it. I will update the Senedd, of course, in due course, when I'm able to say more about precisely what is going to happen, and it may well be a couple of weeks yet before we know the precise format of the Bill.

Diolch. Yes, as you say, time is running out with it, because it's a hard deadline, and, as you say, I'd be very interested in understanding what extension is possible and what we could do here to help with that cliff edge. The rushed nature of this Bill raises the very real prospect of critical regulations in a range of policy areas being either replaced by substandard alternatives or dropping off the statute book completely. We must also bear in mind the limited capacity of the Welsh Government to consider the full implications of repealing, amending or assimilating Welsh-specific retained EU law. As such, and in the light of the fact that the UK Minister has alone possessed the ability to extend that sunset clause of December, a degree of pragmatic prioritisation may need to take place to effectively manage the workload in the remaining months available to Welsh Ministers. What specific regulations or other policy areas is the Welsh Government prioritising in its review of the Welsh-specific retained EU law?

Thank you for the further question. Just to say, by way of starting off, all the issues and concerns, many of which the Member has raised and so on, have been raised at the Interministerial Standing Committee. I have raised those. I chaired the recent meeting and, of course, those things are being looked at at UK Government level, as part of the intergovernmental arrangements that we have. We'll have to wait and see what the outcome of those are.

In terms of pragmatic prioritisation, it does come back again to not knowing what you don't know, and obviously one thing we would clearly want to priortise is our own legislation—the legislation that's been approved by this Senedd. But, of course, the difficulty on that is also trying to understand when we're prioritising what the implications are when you don't know precisely what may happen on the other side on similar legislation at the UK Government level as well, and the way that may interreact or impact. I mentioned the example of enforcement earlier, because, often, there are common enforcement arrangements and so on, and so all those things have to be taken into account. Probably, I can't really tell you very much more than that at the moment. I've obviously attended quite a number of Legislation, Justice and Constitution Committee meetings on this. It is very much work in progress at the moment, and I will, of course, do everything I can to answer further questions and update when we are clear about what is happening. There is a lot of work that is under way at the moment, trying to understand the extent, the 4,000 or so pieces of other legislation, aside from the Welsh legislation, which have to be evaluated and what are the parts that we want to prioritise, and if there are any ways of actually trying to streamline that process. Either way, it's not going to be easy. Either way, it is going to be chaotic and, no doubt, will lead to all sorts of unforeseen consequences, but we have to deal with it as it is at the moment. Until we know the final shape of the Bill, there are still quite a number of uncertainties.

Thank you for your question. We have not yet undertaken an assessment of the costs of devolving specific areas of the justice system, such as courts and sentencing. Ultimately, our aspiration is that devolution would reduce pressures on the justice system and save money in some areas, above all by reducing the prison population.

Thank you, Counsel General. Obviously, this is a work in progress. I just want to draw your attention to the fact that the Equality and Social Justice Committee's inquiry into women involved in the criminal justice system has revealed that less than half the magistrates surveyed by the Magistrates Association had heard of the women's justice blueprint, which aspires to reduce the number of women in prison. It is very worrying to hear from Eastwood Park prison that women from south Wales are far more likely to be sent to prison than those in Devon and Cornwall. Therefore, I wondered whether you could tell us what you are doing, and your officials, to ensure that everybody involved in sentencing both men and women is aware of the initiatives that the Welsh Government is involved in, in partnership with other organisations.

Thank you. You raise a number of really important issues. Those issues go to the nub of the reason why we need justice devolved to us. I've worked very closely, as you know, with the Minister for Social Justice, and, of course, we were visitors to Eastwood Park prison recently. I suppose what matters—. It is, of course, of concern in terms of the awareness within the magistracy of the blueprint. But, of course, that awareness of the blueprint isn't the key determinant in itself. What is important is the understanding of the various opportunities and options that there are in terms of sentencing itself.

Clearly, there is ongoing engagement with the judiciary, I think, to help them understand the impact of regressive and unnecessary short sentences. I know the Minister for Social Justice has quoted this and I've said it several times: when we were at Eastwood Park prison, the director of the prison informed us that every woman in that prison was a victim. That in itself, I think, highlights the nature of the way we've gone down the imprisonment road, as opposed to the problem-solving road and the justice road.

The women's justice blueprint leads have delivered a series of engagement events for sentencers, focused on raising awareness and confidence in the community-based options for women amongst sentencers, legal advisers and key court decision makers. Over 270 individuals have been reached through this work, which has also been supported by His Majesty's Courts and Tribunals Service. So, that process of engagement is ongoing.

Thank you for your question. In December, we issued a tender to assess the need for solicitor apprenticeships in Wales. No bids were received when the tender closed in January, and we are now considering next steps.

Diolch yn fawr, Cwnsler Cyffredinol. Could you please outline, perhaps, the process you used in the first tendering process and how this can be changed to ensure a wider audience for the re-tender? Diolch yn fawr.

Thank you for that. I think it was disappointing that the tender didn't receive any bids. We're evaluating how it was carried out and, basically, how it can be broadened out. I think that the substance of what you're suggesting, really, is that we need to look at a far wider group in terms of the invitation-to-tender process. That is being looked at.

The solicitor apprenticeship issue, I think, is an important one. We've done a lot of work already in terms of the apprenticeships for level 3 and level 5, for the paralegal level, and, of course, the first cohort of students started in September 2022 at Coleg Sir Gâr in Carmarthen. So, this is really the next stage, but it's one that's more complicated, because if we're putting public money into supporting apprenticeships, we want it to go to filling in those gaps, the desert areas that exist within legal services, and also look at how we might actually improve something that I think is quite important, and that is the law centres—effectively the two law centres we now have—and how we could look at extending that and how this might actually be something that could look at servicing that, an area that I think is well worth developing. I will, of course, update the Senedd in due course when we've re-evaluated how to continue or how to promote the tendering process and any further developments on the solicitor apprenticeship objectives that we have.

Thank you for your question. The Welsh Government’s response to the roads review panel’s report represents a major step forward in our commitment to tackling climate change. This is not the end of road building in Wales. We will still invest in roads, but only where they are the appropriate response to the transport problem.

Thank you. Now, according to the Well-being of Future Generations (Wales) Act 2015, each public body must carry out sustainable development, which is the process of improving the economic, social, environmental and cultural well-being of Wales by taking action in accordance with the sustainable development principles aimed at achieving the well-being goals. Those goals, of course, include a prosperous Wales, a healthier Wales, a Wales of cohesive communities. Now, the decision that 19 schemes should not proceed, such as the Flintshire corridor improvement, A55 junctions 15 and 16, and the third Menai crossing, will no doubt harm the prosperity, the health and connectivity of communities right across north Wales. Effectively, the scrapping of key north Wales schemes does, in my opinion, show a lack of understanding by the Welsh Government of our infrastructure, our economy and our communities to the point that questions must be raised as to whether there has actually been a breach of the well-being of future generations Act. Counsel General, will you assess whether the Welsh Government's decision not to support major schemes in north Wales is a breach of this duty? Diolch.

Well, can I say that the issues that you have raised are a matter for the Minister with the portfolio responsibility to answer, but to confirm that, on 14 February, the Deputy Minister for Climate Change made an oral statement to the Senedd on the roads review report, the national transport delivery plan and our new roads policy statement. The report, plan and our response were published the same day, setting out how we deliver against the Wales transport strategy. Questions have been put, answers have been given, but I must stress that I think it's important that these matters are directed to the appropriate Minister with the appropriate portfolio responsibility.

I will reiterate that this is a dangerous moment. The UK Government’s approach has set a worrying precedent. We will do everything we can to protect our devolution settlement, the laws passed by this Senedd, and we remain determined to support our transgender communities.

Thank you. I refer to comments made by both the First Minister and the finance Minister in relation to the UK Government's use of a section 35 Order to protect the Equality Act 2010 from the SNP's Gender Recognition Reform (Scotland) Bill. The finance Minister has repeated Nicola Sturgeon's false claims that those who criticise self-ID at 16 are somehow using transgender people as a wedge issue. So, I do hope now, in light of the resignation—and many believe that this issue encompassed Nicola Sturgeon—it will make your own Government think again. Of course, members of the transgender community should be treated with the utmost respect at all times. It simply isn't good enough, though, to shut down free debate regarding self-ID laws for children as young as 16 by labelling anyone critical of these proposals as fighting a so-called culture war. This isn't a partisan point. Labour MPs, such as Rosie Duffield, have already been clear about the risks to women's safety, as has Gower's Welsh Labour MP, Tonia Antoniazzi, and they have said that the UK Government's intervention was necessary. Therefore, Counsel General, do you agree with the comments made by these members of your party, and will you commit to ensuring that the Welsh Government upholds the protections for women set out under the Equality Act 2010? Diolch.

Well, thank you for your question. What I do, of course, and what my primary responsibility is is to uphold the constitution of this Senedd, the basis on which we were established and the powers and responsibilities that we have. And that's why my initial comments were concern about really what is an undermining of the constitutional principles on which decisions are taken on which legislation is passed.

Now, as you know, the legal position in Scotland is different to that in Wales. The powers available in Scotland are not currently devolved to Wales. Gender recognition is a reserved matter as far as Wales is concerned, but we've made it clear that we will seek these powers as set out in the programme for government. Legislative use of these powers would be a matter for this Senedd to determine, and were that to be achieved and were this Senedd to determine a position on that, I'm sure you, like me and everyone else in this Senedd, would respect the constitutional integrity of this place.

Well, thank you for the question. The creation of bank holidays is not a devolved matter. We have asked the UK Government, on more than one occasion, to designate the day as a bank holiday in Wales or to give us the power to do so ourselves. Unfortunately, these requests have been rejected.

On the first St David's Day of the National Assembly, back in 2000, there was a debate proposing that St David's Day should become a bank holiday. Like the debate last year, this we supported by all Members of the Assembly, as it was then. However, in 2002, Paul Murphy rejected the bid, and Peter Hain did likewise in 2005. Would a future Labour Secretary of State give a different response to Mr Murphy and Mr Hain?

Well, thank you for that. I cannot predict what a future Secretary of State for Wales might do. I am pretty confident, though, there would be considerable sympathy and support for our ambition. Dydd Gŵyl Dewi, Wales's national day, should be a bank holiday, as is the case in Scotland and Northern Ireland, who have bank holidays for St Andrew and St Patrick respectively. The UK Government's refusal to grant this, saying that Wales has different histories—economic, social, cultural and legal systems—in my view just doesn't wash. We have our own self-identity. It is every bit as strong as in the other countries of the United Kingdom and, in my view, it's time for the United Kingdom Government to wake up to that.

We have in the UK the lowest number of public holidays in Europe, so making St David's Day a bank holiday is a genuine opportunity to level up with workers across Europe. So, I very much support the sentiments of the Member. I'm happy to reiterate our whole-hearted support for the creation of St David's Day as a bank holiday, and I will continue to assert the case for the devolution of the powers to the Senedd.

Thank you for your question. No discussions have been held with UK Government on devolving income tax bands to Wales.

Thank you for that succinct response. The Government here has refused to accept the need to increase taxes in Wales, which will certainly lead to seeing our public services being squeezed and creaking, and some services disappearing. Of course, politics is about making difficult decisions. That is a decision that you as a Government have taken, and each and every one of us will have to live with that decision. Now, I understand that the Government doesn't want to see those people on the lowest incomes paying more—nobody would want to see that, naturally. One way of avoiding that is to have the powers to adapt income tax bands to protect those on low incomes but enable a gradual increase for others. This would bring Wales into line with Scotland. Can we therefore expect to see the Westminster Government under the Labour Party devolving these powers to Wales? Or, in taking your response to the previous question, when you said that you couldn't anticipate what a future Labour Government might do, would you and your fellow Members here be pushing for such a change? Thank you.

Well, what I can say certainly is that the issue of income tax powers is an extremely complex area; it's complex in the context of the tax threshold base that we have within Wales. There is a distinction between the issue of increasing the rates of taxation and the issue of the banding of taxation, and that is certainly an area that would be far more beneficial, probably, to Wales than it would be in respect of individual rates. The one thing we don't want to see is taxation that would effectively impose a further burden on a society where we have so many people who are in the low-paid category who would be bearing a significant part of the burden of that taxation. So, any decision to seek more powers in the future would be considered as part of our broader long-term strategic tax policy priorities, rather than in response to the specific and immediate financial challenges. And I think that any argument to seek further powers cannot be divorced from the need to address the overall current inadequacies of the devolution arrangements that we have at the moment.

We now move to item 3, questions to the Senedd Commission, and the first one will be answered by Joyce Watson, but I call Peredur Owen Griffiths.

Thank you for that question. The Commission is committed to ensuring that the Senedd estate is accessible to everyone. Accessibility was one of the key considerations during the design of the Senedd building, and we also considered accessibility when completing equality impact assessments for all subsequent building improvements on this estate. Officials recently met with a representative from the Royal National Institute of Blind People to discuss improvements to the external environment around the Senedd, and the resulting audit was positive and its recommendations are being considered for implementation. We've received recognition from the Royal National Institute for Deaf People and the National Autistic Society for work that's been done to improve accessibility, but we are aware, however, that we can never be complacent and will continue always to strive to be a Parliament that is open to everyone.

That's very good. Thank you, Commissioner, for that answer. It's good to hear that progress is being made. Through Equal Power Equal Voice, I've been fortunate to have a keen political activist come to my office for an internship. Kevin, who is an aspiring councillor, is disabled and requires the use of a mobility scooter to get around. During his time in the office, I've seen first-hand how our estate is not fully accessible for people in wheelchairs and mobility scooters. For example, doors to the walkway between Tŷ Hywel and the Senedd building are not automatic on both ends of the walkways, and need to be pushed outwards. This makes it inaccessible for wheelchair mobility scooter users. Unfortunately, this has meant that unless Kevin is accompanied, he has to travel out of the main building at Tŷ Hywel to get to events, out to the front of the Senedd and go outside the building. I'm sure that you'd agree with me that this is not ideal in cold and wet conditions, or at any time at all. Furthermore, coming out of the lift to go down to the walkway that leads into the canteen, there is not enough clearance for a mobility scooter or a wheelchair to properly turn, coming through the door. There are further examples around the estate. Can the accessibility of the Senedd estate be looked into with immediate effect to ensure that this place is as welcoming to disabled people as it should be, and that disabled people have the independence that they not only want, but deserve? Diolch.

I thank you for highlighting what you have highlighted and the inadequacies that currently still exist. I finished my first part by answering you, saying that we're not complacent and that we will always strive to be inclusive, and that of course stands. The Senedd was designed to provide good access for disabled people, and we did have an access adviser employed during those design stages. There are wheelchair-accessible toilets across the estate and we have accessible parking spaces next to the Senedd and within the Tŷ Hywel car park, including a recently introduced electric vehicle access parking bay. The entrance to the Senedd, as you've pointed out, can be accessed via steps, ramp and a lift, and all assistance dogs for disabled people are admitted. And we do have designated wheelchair spaces in all public galleries, and there are wheelchairs available for members of the public and sufficient spaces in public areas to accommodate wheelchairs.

I think what is happening here is the design of the building not accommodating this individual's, and others like this individual's, ability to use a different type of vehicle to move around—different to that which was clearly assessed in the first design of this building. I'm very happy to work with you, and with anyone who wants to, to see if there are things that we can do to limit the inconvenience of those things that we aren't able to do. So, I look forward to working with you yet again, to make sure that we can improve the accessibility of this building. Thank you.

We now move to question 2, to be answered by the Llywydd, and I call on Sioned Williams.

The taskforce made 27 recommendations in June 2017, based on the theme of putting the citizen at the heart of our work and creating content that is easy to understand. The report formed the foundation of the communications and engagement strategy for the sixth Senedd, which was approved by the Commission in April 2022. We now use the public's experience of services to highlight the work of committee inquiries and feature their stories on our social media platforms

Thank you for that response, Llywydd. Clearly, our democracy has progressed a great deal, even since 2016, with young people of 16 and 17 years of age now having been given the vote in Senedd elections, but it appears that other aspects have made retrograde steps—more local newspapers and journalist positions having been lost. And on the basis of a survey carried out by this group recently, the figures in terms of the understanding of our citizens of the governance arrangements of Wales are concerning to say the least: 35 per cent of respondents believed that the Conservatives had Ministers in the Welsh Government since the May 2021 election; 44 per cent believing that Plaid Cymru had Ministers; and 78 per cent of respondents couldn't name a single policy introduced in Wales over the past year, when they think of the Senedd and the Welsh Government.

Do you agree that it's crucial for the health of democracy in Wales that there is a broad understanding among the public of the basics of how democracy works, for example, how power related to their lives is exercised, what party is in Government and what are the different responsibilities of the various levels of government? What more can the Commission and Senedd do, therefore, to develop their role as a producer of content and stories, in line with one of the main demands of the taskforce report to influence the population-level understanding of the work of the Senedd and how power is exercised and who exercises that power? Thanks.

Yes, I do agree that it's important in terms of the health of our democracy that people who elect us here to the Senedd are familiar with our work and are familiar with the Senedd more generally. And it is a concern for me to hear some of the percentages that you mentioned in terms of people not being aware of the day-to-day work of the Senedd, or the work of the Senedd more broadly. That's true for Wales, and it's probably true for nearly every country in the world to a lesser or greater extent, but because we're a new democracy, that causes additional problems for us.

As you mentioned in your contribution, how people receive their media now has changed since 2017 when the report was published. Social media offers a different opportunity for this Senedd to communicate with the people of Wales, but it also offers challenges as well. And so, in response to you, I'm very pleased as the Llywydd, and while representing the Commission, to listen to any experience or ideas that Members have within this Senedd about how we can develop, improve and refine our work in this area further. We have a responsibility as a Senedd, we all have a responsibility as individual Members of the Senedd, to communicate directly with the people of Wales, and in the spirit of what Joyce Watson said in her answer, we need to continue to improve and to think about new ways of working always in this context. And I'm very prepared to co-operate with Members on how we do that.

Question 3, again to be answered by the Llywydd. Cefin Campbell.

The Commission's key performance indicators were reviewed at the beginning of the sixth Senedd. The key performance indicator data for the current year, namely April 2022 to March 2023, is currently being collected, and will be published in the annual report and accounts for 2022-23 in the summer.

Thank you very much for that confirmation. Therefore, the figures are on their way, and I look forward to seeing those. And I'm particularly interested, as I'm sure many in the Chamber are, in the Commission's attempts to increase the spending of the Commission on Welsh providers in order to use the public pound for the benefit of our local communities and the people of Wales. There are many examples of this, such as Castell Howell in my area, in terms of the provision of food. I particularly welcome the target in the last Senedd to increase this percentage to 43 per cent, and the fact that the Commission had succeeded in the last financial year to go beyond that target, with 45 per cent of expenditure made with Welsh providers.

So, Llywydd, can you confirm how the Commission defines a Welsh provider, because some organisations have argued that this is very complex and difficult to do? Clearly, the Commission doesn't have any difficulty in setting and measuring such a target. And also, in terms of the KPIs for the sixth Senedd, can you confirm what the new ambition is in terms of Welsh procurement, so that we can support even more businesses and jobs, which are the backbone of our economy and communities?

You asked two questions there, and I can answer one of them, but I'll have to write to you with the answer to the other. The answer to the question in terms of what is the Commission's target in terms of expenditure on Welsh suppliers, because we met our target in the last Senedd of 43 per cent, the target is now 50 per cent for the sixth Senedd, and I hope that we will be able to report on that, as I said, in our annual report. So, 50 per cent is the target.

How exactly do we define produce and expenditure on Welsh produce? I will have to write to you on that, Cefin Campbell, because I don't have that answer to hand. So, I'm happy to confirm that in a letter to you, and I hope that that will provide a clear explanation to you and to anyone else who wants to know how the Commission and Senedd define Welsh goods and services.

Item 4 is topical questions. I call on Jack Sargeant.

Thank you, Jack Sargeant. Welsh householders will not be directly impacted by the price cap due to the energy price guarantee currently set at £2,500. However, we are deeply concerned by the potential impact of the UK Government's energy price guarantee rise to £3,000 in April on Welsh households if wider UK Government support does not continue.

Can I thank the Minister for that answer? Despite the fall in the energy price cap, I share your concerns about energy bills and the fact that they are on course to rise by £500 in April. Martin Lewis himself described the rise, and I quote, as an

'act of national mental health harm'.

Ofgem, of course, have announced the market review into the behaviour of suppliers, but, acting Presiding Officer, I will place on record today that I do not have confidence in that review. Ofgem have spent months ignoring overwhelming evidence that suppliers are forcing vulnerable people onto prepayment meters.

A survey my office has carried out reveals examples of how extreme that problem is. One anonymous respondent detailed how they need constant access to electricity due to medical devices, yet they are on a prepayment meter. Another was a veteran who sustained injuries serving his country and now suffers with PTSD and was forcibly switched onto a prepay meter by these energy suppliers. A third, Presiding Officer, had a fault with their prepayment meter. When they phoned their energy supplier they were placed on hold for over an hour. When they finally got to ask an adviser what was happening, they explained that their six-year-old son was obviously very upset, they explained that they were sat in the dark, and the adviser on the other end of the phone for the energy supplier laughed. I'm going to be clear in this Chamber now that these are not laughing matters—these are people's lives, and this is a life-and-death situation.

Minister, these are vulnerable people, vulnerable people who should not be on prepayment meters in the first place. Can I ask you, Minister, for your view on Ofgem's review into energy suppliers' behaviour? Can I also ask you to meet with me to discuss further the findings of my survey, to send that consistent message to the UK Government that they must tackle the inequalities that this scandal has caused?

Thank you very much, Jack Sargeant. Thank you for raising this topical question and for consistently raising these issues over the past months and indeed years in terms of the plight of people in fuel poverty, forced now, more recently, onto prepayment meters without permission—shocking behaviour by suppliers. I just want to say that I will meet with you. I want to meet with you to hear more about your survey. I will share that survey, and I will raise these issues with Ofgem. I met Ofgem yesterday and I met the Ofgem board in February.

I also recognise that, when people like Martin Lewis describe it in this way, the possible rise—. I've been calling all afternoon, haven't I, for the UK Government not to make that £500 rise. I call on them again not to make that £500 rise in terms of the energy price guarantee. I pressed Ofgem when I met them yesterday about the most vulnerable households. These are the ones that are on prepayment meters and those who've been forced onto prepayment meters. I pressed them about their regulatory powers—were they strong enough, are they using them.

As far as the review is concerned into British Gas, which I asked them specifically about, they told me that they have an independent auditor looking at the issuing of warrants for prepayment meters, and also the remote switching, of course, which is happening, of customers onto smart prepayment meters. I asked them about other suppliers: 'You should be able to tell from court warrants—are there other suppliers?' They told me they were undertaking a review of 15 other suppliers to ensure their compliance with the regulations. I will, obviously, go back to them in terms of getting the outcome of these reviews.

Also, I made the point yesterday when I met them that they had what they called a voluntary ban agreed to stop the imposition of warrants for forced installation of prepayment meters till the end of March. I said that this has got to be extended. I called for it to be extended until the outcome of their investigations into British Gas and those other 15 suppliers. I called for it to be extended for as long as necessary.

Thank you, again, for raising these issues. Of course, I raised a number of other points when I met them yesterday. I called for action and moving forward on the social tariff, but also, again, going back to this point: 'If you haven't got the powers, we want to know.' We will support extension of powers, particularly around the issues about protection from disconnection, which, of course, in law you can't do in the water industry.

The question tabled is about Ofgem's price cap, and although it's good news that the energy regulator, Ofgem, announced that its price cap will fall by almost £1,000 from April due to a fall in wholesale prices, the UK Government energy price guarantee is set to increase, as you indicated, from £2,500 to £3,000 a year from the same month. National Energy Action estimates that 1.5 million UK households would fall into fuel poverty as a result. Households in Wales will be particularly hard hit, given that Wales has the lowest prosperity per head, lowest wages, lowest employment and highest child poverty in the UK, dare I say, after 24 years of Labour Welsh Government. However, UK energy Minister Grant Shapps said yesterday:

'I completely recognise the argument over keeping that price guarantee in place, and the Chancellor and I are working very hard on it. I’m very sympathetic to making sure that we protect people.'We’re looking at this very, very carefully.'

I know in your answers earlier today you alluded to that statement yourself. In that context, what constructive engagement are you therefore having with the UK Government accordingly?

Thank you, Mark Isherwood. I think from what you're saying you are also sympathetic to this call that the UK Government should not increase the guarantee to £3,000. Yesterday, Grant Shapps, the UK Government's energy security Secretary, said that he was sympathetic to calls for cancelling the rise. Of course, sympathy isn't enough. He and the Chancellor must now act to protect the most vulnerable in Wales and across the UK.

I would say also that today myself and my colleagues Julie James and Vaughan Gething have written to Grant Shapps on a range of issues, including, I have to say, non-domestic provision, as well as domestic provision, funding needs, longer term transition relating to all our portfolio responsibilities. But I think we have got to recognise that this is a time when we can unite across this Chamber to say that we call on the UK Government not to make this rise to £3,000. They can afford it, and let's see some action now.

Minister, we on the Equality and Social Justice Committee have heard very serious evidence about the depths of debt in Wales and that energy costs are fundamental to that. I've raised with you in the past the lack of progress in terms of delivering on the fuel poverty targets of the Welsh Government. The target was 5 per cent of Welsh households living in fuel poverty by 2035, but 45 per cent are now living in fuel poverty. Whilst wholesale prices are starting to fall, household bills will increase from April if the Government in Westminster proceeds with this increase in the energy price guarantee, and bills will still be significantly higher than they have been historically. Minister, do you agree, therefore, that we need to accelerate improving home energy efficiency through the Warm Homes programme? Because it's unclear from what we've heard from you and the Minister for Climate Change whether the new demand-led programme will be operational before the end of the year. Can you give us a clear answer on this today?

Thank you very much. I was very pleased that this was subject to scrutiny and inquiry on Monday by the Equality and Social Justice Committee. Can I again just confirm that there will be no gap in terms of the transition from one to another in terms of the Warm Homes programme? And can I also thank you for your support for the calls that we've been making, and I know that you have supported them as well, in terms of recognising the adverse impact of the energy price guarantee increasing from £2,500 to £3,000?

I do just want to comment on your point about the Warm Homes programme, because again, as I said earlier on today, the Warm Homes programme includes the demand-led Nest scheme. That'll continue until September of this year. The area-based Arbed scheme ended, of course, as you know, in November 2021, but Welsh Government funding in 2022-23 has been increased by £3 million to £30 million. The consultation concluded with the Warm Homes programme, and it is now moving forward. And of course, the Minister for Climate Change, who is responsible for this as the lead Minister, made that statement on 8 November about how we're going to approach the challenges or opportunities to respond, in terms of the climate emergency, but how it affects all housing tenures. So, I reassure you in terms of the way forward for the Warm Homes programme, and also assure you in terms of the funding that's being made available next year.

I just want to remind us all that every single household with a pay-as-you-go meter has already received £400 via the UK Government into the account that they hold with the energy companies, whilst it’s a very much smaller proportion of the generally much more vulnerable households on prepayment meters who’ve received either the UK Government’s or the Welsh Government’s voucher towards their heating costs. In your discussions with Ofgem, can you ask why the energy companies, who all know exactly where all these prepayment customers are and many of whom are making a killing from the spike in gas prices, cannot be made responsible for getting customers on prepayment meters the support for even their more expensive energy costs, rather than leaving it to the vagaries of the postal service, the mobility challenges and the mental health needs of our most vulnerable citizens? This is absolutely unacceptable, and Ofgem need to step up to the plate or be replaced.

Thank you very much, Jenny Rathbone. On that question, I’ve met with energy suppliers on a number of occasions, as you know. I’ve raised this issue about ways in which they need to reach out to ensure those vouchers do reach those on PPMs. I mean, everybody else got their £400, and those who are most vulnerable were not getting their £400. I got assurances that they were going to be reissued, that they’re trying every other means—if it’s not post or delivery, it's certainly digital contact, if that hasn’t been successful. I asked for the latest uptake in terms of reach of that payment; I was told by the UK Government it was now 71 per cent, but what about that 29 per cent who haven’t got it? I’ve called for them to be reissued until they get a better uptake. It’s a lifeline for vulnerable households at a time when, of course, they are the most vulnerable on PPMs.

I thank the Minister. The next question is to be answered by the Minister for Health and Social Services and to be asked by Adam Price.

I issued a written statement yesterday to update Members, following a meeting of my officials and trade unions yesterday afternoon. I’m pleased that the Wales partnership forum have collectively narrowly accepted the enhanced pay offer proposed by the Welsh Government for 2022-23.

Does the Minister accept that the fact that over 80 per cent of members of the RCN that participated in the vote on this proposal had voted to reject it shows the crisis of morale within the nursing profession at the moment? And of course, that isn't the only measure we have, really. We have the increase that’s been seen in the number of vacancies, we have an increase in sickness levels within the NHS workforce, we have an increasing number of people leaving professions, and the numbers applying for nursing courses dropping, and so on.

Is the Government willing to look, once again, at this eleventh hour, at using the powers that you have, at least for income tax, in the higher and additional bands, in order to offer a better settlement for our nurses? May I ask the Minister also: you mentioned the partnership forum, and a majority had voted in favour of the offer; can you tell us, apart from the RCN, which other unions within the NHS are still in a pay dispute with the Government at the moment? And, through the statement that you mentioned, are you now proposing to implement this pay rise for everyone, or only for those unions that have accepted the increase? Can you also give us an update on the elements other than salaries that you referred to in the written statement on 8 February? Has there been any progress made in terms of those elements of the package that you had discussed? May I ask finally, the UK Government, in looking to next year, has said to the pay review body that a 3.5 per cent pay increase next year would be affordable, and that anything above 5 per cent would be unaffordable. Do you as a Welsh Government agree with what the UK Government have told the pay review body, and, if you do not, then do you intend to provide additional evidence to what you’ve already provided to that body?

Thank you very much. I think it’s very important that we do recognise that even though this is a situation where the unions collectively have agreed to accept the offer, we do understand that the offer has only been accepted by one vote, and we also understand that there are a lot of people within the unions who are still very angry about the situation. That’s why, during the coming weeks, we will be renegotiating with the unions about how we will undertake the implementation of this money, which has now been agreed. And what I can tell you is that all members of the unions are very happy to continue with those discussions, and that’s what we’ll be doing in the coming days.

Just in terms of what happens next—are we going to raise income tax in the higher bands? No. We’ve explained clearly that, if we raise 1p in the £1 to those paid more than £150,000 a year, we would raise £3 million. If we raise 1p in the £1 to those who pay the higher rate, we will raise £33 million. That’s not enough money to even cover 1 per cent of what’s needed, so we won’t be going down that path. What we do understand is that the unions have the right to continue with their strikes—that is, that individual unions can make decisions, but we do hope, of course, that, in the negotiations, we will continue to ensure that there is a glimmer of hope, for us to see whether we can do anything further to see these strikes called off. Obviously, we’re in a situation where the dispute is ongoing, and that's why we will continue to engage in discussions.

In terms of the non-pay elements, nothing additional has been put on the table, but, evidently, we will be having discussions over the coming days on the implementation that's been agreed.

Regarding the independent pay review board, we've given evidence to that. We haven't presented an amount that would be affordable, and we did underline the fact that people have been suffering in the wake of inflation, and we've emphasised that the cost-of-living crisis is impacting on people. But, of course, it's also important that we do emphasise that next year's budget is very tight when it comes to health.

Can I thank you for your answers, Minister? One thing I just do want to try and get an understanding of is that you've talked about further discussions over the weeks ahead, and I just want to understand what the plan is now in those discussions that you referred to. I think you just said in your answer to Adam Price that you can look at what else you need to do further, and there'll be further engagement and discussions, but you've also said that the last pay offer was the final one. So, I'm just trying to understand. It appears to be a contradiction—perhaps it's not—but I'm just trying to understand what's behind that. And, perhaps you can explain whose court the ball now sits in in order to have those further discussions with the unions, and the RCN also.

And, can I ask: do you feel that the RCN—? You've obviously had productive discussions with some of the unions, but of those parties that didn't accept the offer, including the RCN, do you think, in some way, that they've been unreasonable to reject the offer? I've always had good relationships with the RCN, but I'm just trying to get a sense of whether you think that the RCN have been unreasonable, and what your relationship, I suppose, is with the RCN and the others who didn't accept the offer that you put to them as a result of your statement yesterday.

Thanks, Russell. Obviously, we are always keen, in the Welsh Labour Government, to work in social partnership, and I would suggest that we actually have a very good and constructive relationship with all of the unions. Obviously, there are times when we disagree on aspects of detail, and we acknowledge that there is a genuine sense of grievance at the moment. That's why we want to make sure that we continue those discussions, looking at how we will implement what is now an agreed position. What I won't be doing is giving a running commentary on exactly what will be happening in those discussions.

What I can tell you is that the way the system works is that there are around 15 recognised health trade unions, and, in terms of the way that the vote took place, those unions have a vote that is proportionate to the size of the membership. And that's why they got to a position where it was accepted by one vote. And, obviously, we are pleased to see that it has been accepted, and I think, it's important that you go and ask the trade unions themselves in terms of whether they want to disclose who did what. What I can tell you, for example, is that the physiotherapists accepted the offer, and their threat of strike has been withdrawn. The RCM—the Royal College of Midwives—rejected the offer, but they will honour the agreement and have withdrawn their strike action.

So, people are responding differently. That's why what we need to do now, in the next few days, is to just sit down and see what else we need to do in this space in terms of seeing whether we can do anything more to avoid strike action in future.

Thank you, Minister, for those answers. The next item is the 90-second statements, and the first statement today is from Jenny Rathbone.

Diolch yn fawr, Llywydd. I understand that our patron saint, Dewi Sant, told Welsh soldiers to wear the leek on their helmets so that they could distinguish their comrades in battle from the Saxons who wore similar armour. This suggests that leeks must have been much more plentiful in the first century than they are in the twenty-first century, if they were being used for decoration rather than food.

Whilst one of the supermarkets I visited on Monday evening had run out of leeks, the other two did have them. But the one I bought in the supermarket, and the other from my local street barrow were grown in Lincolnshire. Nevertheless, there has been progress in growing these iconic Welsh vegetables in Wales since I raised this matter in the Chamber on St David's Day last year. For example, in Morrisons, who currently sell both Blas y Tir leeks and Lincolnshire leeks, from July this year, the Lincolnshire leeks will be replaced by Welsh leeks in all of the Morrisons Welsh stores. And, like many other supermarkets, they are promoting Welsh leeks and other locally sourced products, including Welsh daffodils, as part of their St David's Day celebrations.

Puffin Produce and its trademark Blas y Tir remain the Welsh market leader for leeks and many other vegetables, and its leek production is expanding from 1,600 tonnes this season to 2,600 tonnes in the next season—being planted in the next couple of months. Now, this really welcome development is supported by a £1.2 million capital investment in a state-of-the-art leek washing and packing line, 40 per cent of which is being covered by a Welsh Government food business investment grant scheme—

Fascinated as I am—[Laughter.]—by the new processing of leeks plant, this is a 90-second statement.

Okay. I will just complete by saying we now have protected geographical indication status for Welsh leeks since last November, so there's a lot to celebrate about the Welsh leek.

And I'm sure that you'll carry on your campaigning for Welsh leeks into the future. Thank you, Jenny Rathbone, for that cause. Sarah Murphy.

Diolch, Llywydd. This Monday marks the beginning of Eating Disorder Awareness Week, a time to emphasise that eating disorders are not all about food itself, but about feelings. The theme this year is recognising and raising awareness that men get eating disorders too, because Beat eating disorders charity did a survey, finding that one in three had never accessed treatment and one in five had never spoken about their struggles. So I would ask all of my colleagues and people watching to please visit Beat's website to read their stories and help men get help too. The cross-party group for eating disorders will be re-established this week to address this and many other issues. I want to thank Bethan Sayed, who served as the previous chair, as well as Jo Whitfield and Amelia Holt, from Beat who have been excellent secretariats.

Finally, I want to thank everyone who has reached out since I spoke in the Senedd about my own lived experience with an eating disorder, whether that's to offer support or to share their own story, including Georgia Taylor from Bridgend, who is working with me now to share our experiences, so that others can understand and feel less alone. An eating disorder is never the fault of the person experiencing it, and anyone who has an eating disorder deserves fast compassionate support to help them get better, because we can get better. Diolch.

Thank you, Sarah Murphy, for that contribution.

The next item, therefore, is the Plaid Cymru debate on industrial relations, and I call on Luke Fletcher to move the motion. Luke Fletcher.

Diolch, Llywydd. Let's be clear, from the onset, the UK Government's Strikes (Minimum Service Levels) Bill is nothing more than an attack on working class people, not just in Wales but across the UK. A draconian, fascistic attempt to erode the fundamental rights of workers and the trade unions that represent them, and we all know why this is happening.

The past year has seen workers in all sectors reject the politics of austerity, reject stagnant and real-terms cuts to wages, reject attacks on working conditions and reject the idea that this is as good as it gets. And in crippling fear of that, those at the top, aided by their willing partners in the Tory party, are now looking to put us back in our place. Well, good luck, because class solidarity is back, and we have a hell of a lot of catching up to do. In the face of a common struggle, workers up and down the country refuse to be divided by where they're from, what job they do, what they look like, and we, as a Senedd, must play our part in strengthening that struggle and empowering working people against the tides of Tory tyranny. No worker, no person deserves to be left using a foodbank, deserves to be left poring over every single pound and penny to decide if they can afford to heat their homes while companies are raking in profits on an astronomical scale.

But before we get into the implications of the Bill and how we should respond to it here in Wales, it's worth reminding ourselves of the circumstances that gave rise to this. This is coming off the back of crisis after crisis: the 2008 crash, then the austerity that followed, then the pandemic, and now the cost-of-living crisis. We are in the midst of a perfect storm of soaring energy prices, high inflation and a new wave of Tory-driven austerity that is pummeling our public finances.

Meanwhile, the public sector workforce has had to put up with over a decade of squeezed wages, with average public sector pay in Wales being 4 per cent lower in real terms compared to 2010. In some professions, such as nursing and teaching, the picture is even more grim—nurses' salaries down at least 20 per cent in real terms since 2010; teachers' salaries down 23 per cent since 2010, alongside a staggering 27 per cent cut for support staff.

Now, turning to the Bill and its implications, the Bill gives UK Ministers and employers the power to force workers within six sectors to work during strike action. Through the new work notices system, employers are able to dismiss workers who refuse to comply with the order to work during strike action, thus circumventing statutory rights against unfair dismissal that are enshrined in the Trade Union and Labour Relations (Consolidation) Act 1992. It also obliges unions to enforce these strike-breaking work notices, making them liable to up to £1 million in losses if they cannot force compliance amongst their members. This raises the very real prospect of trade unions being sued into bankruptcy, which would be the case for the first time since 1906.

Article 8 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights of 1966, to which the UK is a signatory, affirms the right of everyone to form trade unions and join the trade union of their choice. It also affirms the right of trade unions to function freely. As numerous union representatives and employment law experts have pointed out, the anti-strikes Bill is in direct contravention of these fundamental rights. To quote a recent European Trade Union Confederation statement, this would push the UK

'even further outside the democratic mainstream'

on labour rights.

Of course, this Bill is merely the latest in a long line of Tory-driven legislation to undermine the rights of workers. The Industrial Relations Act 1971, introduced by the Heath administration, for example, diluted worker protections and put up new barriers against collective bargaining. This was followed by a succession of Employment Acts under Thatcher's rabidly anti-union Government, which, amongst other things, restricted the ability of unions to picket and outlawed solidarity strikes. More recently, the Trade Union Act 2016 imposed higher thresholds on organising and undertaking industrial action, while last year's repeal of the Conduct of Employment Agencies and Employment Business Regulations enabled employers to hire temporary agency workers to undercut strike action.

The effect of all of this has left the UK with the most repressive anti-union laws in Europe—a point underlined by the fact that, while 60 per cent of workers in the EU are covered by collective bargaining agreements, a mere 26 per cent of UK workers are covered by such agreements. Such facts clearly expose the hollowness of Tory rhetoric on over-mighty union barons and their attempt to dress up this Bill as a measure that will bring the UK in line with European norms.

I have selected the two amendments to the motion, and, if amendment 1 is agreed, amendment 2 will be deselected. I call on Joel James to move amendment 1. Joel James.

Thank you, Llywydd, and I move this amendment in the name of Darren Millar. It is clear that the motion presented by Plaid Cymru seems to have completely misrepresented the UK Government's policy on minimum service levels by claiming that it is an attempt by the UK Government to gain sufficient coercive power to curtail both trade union and worker ability to engage in lawful industrial action, when this is clearly so not the case and not the purpose of the legislation. But then again, Llywydd, Plaid Cymru members do have their social media channels to think about.

The Conservatives believe wholeheartedly that everyone should have the right to strike, but when it comes to the NHS and to the fire and rescue service, it is not right that those who are in desperate need of emergency care cannot get an ambulance or rescue service because of strike action. The measures proposed in the minimum service levels Bill are designed to protect lives and ensure that people who face an imminent threat to life or limb have quick access to care and treatment. And it is mind-boggling to me how anyone could not want such care to be received. At present, the minimum service levels for life and limb protection are individually negotiated by various services across the country, which leads to considerable inconsistency. In Wales, there is likely to be a different minimum service to England and Scotland, and legislating a pre-agreed national minimum level across the entire United Kingdom will help to improve consistency.

Another reason, as many in this Chamber will very well know, is that current legislation on striking services does not require people to say whether or not they intend to strike, which creates situations where people organising rotas have no knowledge of who will actually be available for work, making it very difficult to plan even minimum services for shifts, and it's vital that, for health, fire and rescue, transport and education, these sectors are able to plan.

In my mind, there is nothing wrong with introducing legislation that provides minimum service levels during strikes so that the most vulnerable—those who are in life-threatening danger—have the service that they need. The International Labour Organization, which the TUC subscribes to, recommends appropriate minimum service levels in both vital and non-vital services, and similar minimum service legislation is already commonplace in several European countries, such as France, Germany and Italy.

The Department for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy has published its impact assessment of the Strikes (Minimum Service Levels) Bill and drew a broadly favourable picture of this legislation—

Will the Member take an intervention?

—concluding it would boost public confidence around access to vital services during walkouts.

Go on.

You say that you want us to follow the French and Italian models, and the legislative framework around employment laws are different there. Not only do they have different laws around strikes, but they've got better representation of workers on their boards. So, if you want us to have the same rules around employment as they do in France, why don't we have the same rules with getting workers on the boards of those companies as well here in Wales?

Well, I'm sure that's a question you can point to the Deputy Minister for Social Partnership.

—a broadly favourable picture of this legislation, concluding it will boost public confidence around access to vital services during walkouts, and stated that there would be economic benefits that would result from less disruption to day-to-day business activity. I will, however, concede that there will be a need for more consideration to certain aspects of the minimum operating requirements: for example, in Rhyl, where, whilst trains can be reduced to one per hour instead of three, there are some services such as signal boxes that are binary, and, in aviation, air traffic control is either open or closed. But this will, I am sure, be addressed in the secondary legislation accompanying the Bill.

There is no doubt in my mind that this Bill is about fairness and balance—nothing more, nothing less. If a trade union notifies an employer of a strike in accordance with existing normal rules, this Bill means that employers will be required to consult the trade union on the minimum number of workers needed and that work will be undertaken, and they must have regard to the union's views before issuing any work notice. Therefore, the notion that this Bill is

'a full-frontal attack on working people and the trade unions'

is nothing more than political posturing by Plaid Cymru. And I would urge everyone here in this Chamber to vote against this motion and instead support our amendment, tabled in the name of Darren Millar. Thank you, Llywydd.

I call on the Deputy Minister for Social Partnership to formally move amendment 2.

Formally.

Thank you. Peredur Owen Griffiths.

Diolch, Llywydd. As we've heard from my colleague, Luke Fletcher, the UK Government's anti-strike legislation is a draconian swipe against workers seeking a fair wage for their services. What is also apparent is that this measure has worrying implications for the legislative agenda of this Senedd. Over the past few years, we've become well accustomed to the centralising tendencies of the Westminster Government as well as their thinly veiled contempt for devolution. Brexit has seemingly fuelled a form of muscular unionism that frequently rides roughshod over devolved areas of competence. This is exemplified by the introduction of measures such as the United Kingdom Internal Market Act 2020 and the retained EU law Bill. As the First Minister alluded to earlier in the year, breaches of the Sewel convention, once unheard of in the context of devolved-UK Government relations, have become commonplace in recent years. Meanwhile, the use of section 83 powers to block the Scottish Government's gender recognition reform Bill underlines the sheer fallacy of the union as a partnership of equals.

Now, it appears that anti-strike legislation will conflict with an area of work that the Senedd has been working on, namely the Social Partnership and Public Procurement (Wales) Bill, and in particular its aim to make Wales a fair work nation. As Members will be aware, the Fair Work Commission was established as a precursor to the development of the Bill. One of its primary recommendations was the need to embed fair work practices within the legislative framework. Fair work practices were defined by the commission as a state of affairs

'where workers are fairly rewarded, heard and represented, secure and able to progress in a healthy, inclusive environment where rights are respected.'

On the basis that the Bill will contain a statutory social partnership duty on public bodies to seek consensus or compromise with trade unions, overseen by the social partnership council, which will include trade union representation, it's difficult to envisage how these fair work goals can be compatible in any way with the anti-strike Bill legislation, which is designed to seek antagonism and coercion over consensus and compromise. As I've already alluded to, the supremacy of Westminster and the disregard of this Tory Government for devolution mean the fair work agenda here in Wales is in considerable jeopardy.

Whilst we acknowledge the fact that matters of employment law in Wales are almost fully reserved to Westminster, there are some steps that could be taken to futureproof the fair work agenda from Westminster's recklessness. For example, the Scottish Government recently established a fair work and trade union modernisation fund, which is used to embed practices of fair work in industrial relations. With the implementation of the social partnership Bill, this approach should be replicated in Wales to ensure that the ambition of providing trade unions with a stronger voice in the development of economic and industrial policies is consolidated on a long-term, practical basis. This would also go some way to revitalising union presence within our private sector and amongst young workers. There is a clear discrepancy at present between union membership in the public and private sectors in Wales—just over 60 per cent in the case of the former, and just under 20 per cent in the case of the latter. Furthermore, only just over 30 per cent of workers in Wales aged 25 to 34 are members of a union, compared to 45.4 per cent of workers aged 50 and above. Clearly, there's a need to address these imbalances if the objectives of the fair work agenda are to benefit the whole of Wales.

Any dignity that is inherent in our society comes from the aspirations we hold not for ourselves but for others. That is the glory of the trade union movement and its grace: the fact that it's upheld not by individual greed but by collective endeavour, the resolve that rights can be achieved for all. We have all benefited from workers' rights hard won by generations that have gone before us: paid sick leave, holiday leave, weekends. Our lives are incalculably richer and happier because of those struggles. We owe it to the workers of today and of tomorrow in Wales to repel Westminster's attempt to erode those rights and to fight for the powers to cement them in Welsh law.

I am so proud that I was born in the Welsh Valleys, but it is a landscape that still wears the scars of an exploited workforce—the coal miners who were paid in dust and disease and disdain. But our past wasn't only distinguished by disasters—there was comradeship too. The days of Mabon, tireless champion of the miners, who secured holidays—the first Monday of every month, known as Mabon Days. And that same drive for the common good breathed something new into the lungs of our towns and our villages, places so choked of investment, of care, of concern.

The miners' halls that still stand in Blackwood and Bedwas speak to those communities' memory of a time when meetings and concerts brought families into the warmth of social events. Miners' welfare parks and gardens were nurtured and grown. Our choirs and eisteddfods gave workers the chance to soar above the blackened hills in song. So much was achieved in our Valleys by collective action, not just in industrial terms, but in the very fabric of our society. Nye Bevan said he was happiest when he was chairman of the book selection committee for the Tredegar miners' library—a library that, in the 1930s, circulated some 100,000 books a year. But the libraries have shut, Llywydd. So many of those halls have fallen into ruin and disrepair. Too many choirs no longer meet because there isn't the collective space to meet and sing.

But we in Wales can still snatch back the collective ethos we once had. We can build on that proud history and ensure that no more workers in Wales will be undervalued, exploited, will have their pride ripped from them by devolving employment law and securing collective rights for all. Because workers' rights in the UK, as we've heard, are already so much lower than the European norm. In Italy, 97 per cent of workers are covered by collective bargaining. In France, 90 per cent. In the UK, only 26 per cent, 27 per cent of workers enjoy this privilege. Even in Russia, the figure is higher. Union rights in these islands have been eroded purposefully since Thatcher and since, I am sorry to say, New Labour failed to restore those rights in their 13 years in power.

I make my contribution today also in my role with the PCS cross-party group. Thank you very much, Delyth, particularly for your contribution. I think we must all bear in mind that we've all benefited from what's been achieved by those that have battled before us—each and every one of us have benefited from that as compared with our forefathers. And that's what is under threat here. Certainly, Joel James, it's not to get any likes on social media. That's not why we brought this debate forward, but because we are on the picket lines, we do speak to workers, we do listen to them and we are here to make arguments for them because they have the right to strike at the moment, and many are doing so for the first times in their lives. Members of the RCN have chosen to strike for the first time ever in the history of their organisation because they have simply had enough; they've had enough of not being paid fairly, of not being treated—. That's because of the measures put in place by the UK Government, but also in terms of the Welsh Government now. They have the power to do things differently, and we must consider what this legislation and the changes made by the UK Government will mean for workers in Wales, and what we can do differently if we have the powers here.

We've already heard about the correlation between high levels of union density and positive outcomes in terms of high wages and productivity, and this is corroborated by numerous international examples—Mabon and Delyth have already beaten me to it on this. But, consider Sweden, where 88 per cent of employees are covered by collective bargaining rights, and it has an adjusted net national income per capita of $44,552, compared to the UK's $36,000. It is also ranked seventh out of the 146 countries in the world happiness index, and scores highly on global equality metrics. The key to Sweden's successful model of labour relations has been its implementation of collective bargaining on a sector or industry level. This ensures high rates of collective bargaining coverage, particularly across the private sector, which stands in direct contrast to the company or employer level at which UK agreements usually take place, which invariably lead to low rates of collective bargaining coverage and stark discrepancies between the public and private sectors.

Similar models are in place in the fellow Nordic countries of Iceland, Denmark, Finland and Norway, all of which have the highest rates of union density in the world and are amongst the world's wealthiest, most equal and happiest of nations. Collective agreements cover 98 per cent of French workers, who enjoy 10 per cent higher disposable incomes compared to the average UK worker, and a shorter working week. As such, sectoral bargaining is a model that other nations are seeking to emulate, and with good reason. For example, New Zealand recently passed its Fair Pay Agreements Act 2022, which facilitates collective bargaining for fair pay agreements across entire industries or occupations. This at a time when the UK Government want to oppress trade unions.

We cannot ignore what the UK Government is trying to achieve through this. Our communities have suffered enough. We've heard clearly from Delyth, Luke, Peredur and others. We know that, having spoken to workers on the ground. We know that people aren't happy in our communities. They're working hard, yet they can't afford to buy food or to warm their homes. They're working harder than ever, working longer hours than ever, missing out on opportunities to be with their families, with young children and so on, they're having to work every hour of the day and still they can't afford food and energy. That's the situation in Britain today, and in Wales today.

Things do have to change. We need the powers here in Wales to change things for the workers of Wales. There is more that the Welsh Government could do, most certainly, and there's more that the UK Government should do. This is about the rights of each and every one of us—each and every one of us—and, as Delyth said, it's about future generations too. We benefited greatly from the battles fought in the past, and we must now fight for those rights to continue.

The Deputy Minister for Social Partnership now. Hannah Blythyn.

Diolch, Llywydd. I welcome this debate, and thank most Members for their contributions. The Strikes (Minimum Service Levels) Bill is an attack on workers, workers' rights and trade unions. The Welsh Government opposes the Bill in the strongest terms, as set out in the Government amendment. In particular, the Government amendment highlights the written statement containing the First Minister's letter to the UK Government and the legislative consent memorandum that will be laid before the Senedd. These are clear and publicly available statements setting out our position and our significant concerns about this Bill.

We categorically do not believe the right response to industrial unrest is to introduce new laws that not only ride roughshod over the devolution settlement, but make it even harder for workers to take industrial action. We believe that the right response is to work in partnership with employers and trade unions to resolve disputes collaboratively. So, it should not come as a surprise that we do not support amendment 1 in the name of Darren Millar. The way to resolve industrial disputes is by negotiation and agreement, however challenging that may be at times for all involved; it's not through ill-conceived legislation that will do nothing to help resolve current disputes, will do lasting damage to industrial relations across the UK, and will interfere with devolved public services in Wales. The irony is that this same legislation comes from a Conservative Government that has repeatedly failed to produce its promised employment Bill to extend workers' rights and is now set to do the absolute opposite. It seems parliamentary time cannot be found to enhance workers rights, but there are no issues with finding parliamentary time to take those rights away.

Turning to the point that Luke Fletcher made with regard to the devolution of employment law in Wales: you'll be aware that there is work undertaken at the moment by the Wales TUC and a commission on that, and we await those findings. And we'll work with the Wales TUC on those findings, and anything that we would do in Wales would be to work in partnership, to look at not only the opportunities, but the potential challenges that may come in the future.

In responding to the motion today, I want to reiterate why we oppose the UK Government's Bill. Firstly, we oppose this Bill on principle. It's an unnecessary and unjustified attack on workers' rights and trade unions, and stands in sharp contrast to our approach to trade unions in Wales and, as you've heard, our ambitions for Wales and fair work. Secondly, there was a complete lack of engagement with devolved Governments prior to the UK Government hastily announcing their intentions through a press notice on 5 January. Whilst consultation documents are now being published on ambulance services, rail and fire and rescue services, this is all happening after the Bill has been introduced and whilst it is going through parliamentary scrutiny.

Will the Minister take an intervention?

Yes.

I'm glad to hear that you're saying that you're opposing what's going on in Westminster at the moment, and very strong words being said, but do you share my disappointment that your Labour colleagues aren't here today? Can you tell us where they are? Because if we're really feeling so angry about this and we want to make our voices heard, we need your colleagues here to share their voices as well, so that this Senedd's voice is collectively heard and that Westminster hears what we've got to say. Can you tell us where your colleagues are, please?

I can certainly speak on behalf on my colleagues in the Labour group and say we are fundamentally, wholeheartedly and collectively opposed to it and we will work with our partners across the Labour movement in Wales, and the UK, to oppose such attacks on workers' rights.

And we oppose this Bill because the rationale the UK Government has tried to present for the Bill as bringing the UK into line with many other European countries simply does not stack up, as we've heard from the Plaid Cymru benches. The international comparisons overplay similarities between this Bill and the operation of minimum service levels elsewhere. As you've heard, minimum service levels are typically the product of an agreement between employers and trade unions, sometimes with independent arbitration used as a backstop. In contrast to that, this Bill offers a prospect of imposition of minimum service levels through diktat backed up by the threat of workers being sacked if they do not comply. And it's not just us who say that the international comparisons with countries like France, Italy and Spain are false. We heard the General Secretary of the European Public Service Union, which protects 8 million public service workers across Europe, wrote to the Prime Minister, in a publicly available letter, to say:

'In a debate in the Commons, you claimed that a Government unilaterally opposing minimum services should not be controversial and cite the legal framework in other countries. This statement is not correct and you take the legislation in other countries out of context.

The letter explains why that is the case and goes on to say:

'your government is rushing through a new law that will impose minimum service levels in key sectors, including the possibility that strikers will be sacked if they fail to comply with notices to work. This will be challenged under European and international law to which the UK is party.'

The UK Government has also tried to create a smokescreen that the International Labour Organization is supportive of the Bill. The director general of the ILO himself has confirmed he was not aware of any discussions between the ILO and the UK Government about the legislation. He did, however, confirm that the ILO has been in discussions with trade unions about making a complaint about the Bill. To say that the ILO supports this Bill is simply inaccurate at best.

Time and time again, the UK Government's claims about this Bill and international support and international comparisons have fallen apart on their first contact with the facts. We do not want this Bill in Wales and we do not need it. I'm pleased that there is a majority opposing this legislation in Wales. It is unnecessary, unjustified and most likely unworkable. We are committed to opposing this pernicious, ideologically driven legislation, and working in partnership to do so.

Luke Fletcher to reply to the debate.

Diolch, Llywydd. As I close this debate, I'm reminding myself of what I'd said in my opening to the debate around having faith in the Government to be better than UK Labour and Conservative Governments. I have to say, though, it is quite disappointing to not have a single contribution from the Members of the Labour backbench. There was an offer of solidarity on behalf of the Labour group, but they should be here giving that solidarity and saying that solidarity themselves in this Chamber, in a debate on an attack that members of that party have vocally opposed and condemned.

This debate has demonstrated today through Plaid Cymru Members, and the Deputy Minister as well, to be fair, the case and need to protect workers' rights. Heledd set out how much we owe to the trade union movement and things we take for granted: maternity leave, minimum wage, the weekend, all things we take for granted these days. If the Tories were truly committed to delivering a high-growth and high-wage economy, as they keep promising, then they would support this cause rather than persist with an increasingly out-of-touch ideological crusade of antagonism and attrition against working people.

I'm sorry, Joel, that you drew the short straw on this debate. I mean, you know, tell me you're a member of the Conservative Party without actually saying that you're a member of the Conservative Party. I would seriously encourage Joel to go and speak to the Royal College of Nursing, for example, about what happens on a strike day, and I think you'll find very quickly that what he set out in his contribution was factually incorrect. To be fair, I don't think many people on that side of the Chamber, if any at all, have been within a mile of a picket line, but just try it once and I think you'll see a lot of the things that you believe happen are simply untrue.

While the Welsh Government's social partnership Bill and its fair work agenda provides a useful foundation, we do also acknowledge the limitations of devolved competencies over employment law in Wales, which is almost entirely reserved to Westminster. But it is for this very reason that we call on the Welsh Government to redouble its efforts in seeking further devolved powers over employment law here in Wales. As is apparent throughout so many aspects of current devolved settlement powers, though, the Welsh Government has ample scope for policy design in a number of areas, including industrial and economic strategy, but lacks the ability and the mechanisms to effectively enforce and consolidate its policy delivery. This is particularly problematic when, as is the case presently, the respective priorities of the Welsh Government and Westminster are increasingly polarised, as Peredur alluded to.

When trade unions are strong, we all win. For me, our economy should be the result of the kind of society we want to create. For me, that also reflects the history that Delyth alluded to—a society that is one of compassion, solidarity, one where no-one is left to fall behind. I'll borrow from the film Pride for a moment. They're at Castell Carreg Cennen and Dai is telling Mark about the lodge banner, the symbol on that banner of two hands. That is what the trade union movement means: I support you, you support me, shoulder to shoulder, hand to hand, solidarity. That is in stark contrast to what's on offer from Westminster’s division and poverty. More demands will be made, more ballots will be put forward, and more workers up and down Wales will join. Plaid Cymru will be right there alongside them, with solidarity with all workers fighting for better pay and working conditions, not just in Wales, but across the globe.

The proposal is to agree the motion without amendment. Does any Member object? [Objection.] There are objections, and we will therefore defer voting under this item until voting time.

The next item is item 7, the Welsh Conservatives debate on the Welsh language. I call on Tom Giffard to move the motion.

Thank you very much, Llywydd. I’d like to start by wishing everyone in the Senedd today and everyone watching across Wales a very happy St David’s Day. I’m proud to have the opportunity to open this debate today, which was tabled in the name of Darren Millar, because it is a very important debate to have in the Senedd, especially on St David’s Day. It’s important that we share the message from the Senedd to the people of Wales to say that our Welsh language doesn’t just belong to people who speak the language fluently, but belongs to every person living in Wales.

Welsh is not just a language in the traditional sense. For most of us it’s a story, the story of our journey with the Welsh language. Some of us will have spoken Welsh at home and at school, and will have lived in predominantly Welsh-speaking communities throughout our lives. Perhaps others are learning Welsh for the first time, having developed an interest in or love for our country. And some may only know a few words or phrases, but they use them with pride whenever they feel comfortable in doing so. That’s why I’m looking forward to hearing from colleagues from all parts of the Chamber today, to hear about their Welsh story.

For me, it’s a little more complicated. I went to a second-language Welsh school and got a GCSE in second-language Welsh, and after that I worked at a Welsh language school as a teaching assistant in the year after I left school myself. When I left school my Welsh wasn’t of a high standard because it wasn’t very important to me to develop that. Although most of my teaching was in English, the immersion involved in having to speak it every day with staff and pupils in an educational setting advanced my skills significantly. Then, throughout my university experience and in the following decade, I barely spoke a word of Welsh, and I’d almost forgotten that I could speak the language at all.

Then, in 2021, I was elected to the Senedd in Cardiff Bay, and initially I kept quiet about the fact that I could speak Welsh at all. And then I met someone for the first time, someone called Samuel Kurtz. Well, actually it was the second time, but I promised not to talk about the first. But even though Sam’s Welsh was better than mine, he felt the same way that I did. He felt that he hadn’t used his skills enough over recent years, and he felt, like me, that they had become rusty. So we decided to learn Welsh together using the services available here in the Senedd, and that was a turning point for me. Having someone to chat to in Welsh, and also learn with in Welsh—that was very important to me. Now I feel more able to do a tv or radio interview in Welsh, and I’m looking forward to tomorrow night, when I'll be doing Hawl i Holi on Radio Cymru with Heledd Fychan.

Speaking Welsh is as much to do with confidence as it is to do with skills. It doesn’t matter how old you are or how good your Welsh skills are—now is always the best time to learn. But to inspire someone to accept that challenge we need strong role models in the Welsh language. That’s why it’s nice to see a number of our institutions, most notably the FAW, capitalising on opportunities to normalise the speaking of Welsh. But for me, my Welsh role model is a person, and he is a person whom I know would have wanted to be here today. My role model in the Welsh language is Paul Davies. Paul is just as proud of his Welsh-speaking identity, and of the Welsh language, as he is of his British one. And that's what I felt. He showed me that there was no conflict or contradiction between being Welsh and speaking Welsh, and being a Conservative. The Conservative party has been responsible for some of the biggest developments in Welsh language policy in history. Conservatives in Government commenced the Welsh Language Act 1993, the formation of the Welsh Language Board, developments in Welsh education and, of course, the establishment of the first television channel in the Welsh language, S4C.

But we know there is much more to say, and that's why we are moving this motion today. The results of the latest census, which showed a reduction in the number of Welsh speakers over the last decade, were extremely disappointing. And they put the 'Cymraeg 2050' strategy of the Welsh Government at significant risk of not being achieved. But what worries me the most is the reduction of 6 per cent in the number of Welsh speakers between the ages of five and 15, those who learn Welsh in formal settings. In addition, we have seen reductions in traditional Welsh language areas such as Ceredigion, Carmarthenshire and Gwynedd. There is much more to be said during this debate by Members on all sides, and I'm sure those things will be said.

What we intend to achieve is twofold. First, we are calling on the Welsh Government to expand the opportunities it offers people to speak Welsh in the first place, because we know that these experiences can be formative in people's lives. And secondly, we are moving this debate today because it is sending a clear message to people all over Wales that this is your language, whatever your level, so speak it, use it and look after it so that future generations can do the same. Thank you very much.

I have selected the amendment to the motion. I call on the Minister for Education and Welsh Language to formally move amendment 1 tabled in the name of Lesley Griffiths.

Formally.

Could I thank the Conservatives for bringing this debate forward today? I thank Tom for sharing his journey with the language. It was delightful to hear you and the fact that your confidence has increased during the period you've been here. I'm looking forward to being on Hawl i Holi, something that you wouldn't have done a couple of months ago, but you are doing it tomorrow night. I think that that's excellent and shows that it is possible to have that support, and the difference that it makes in of terms of taking that opportunity to take a chance on speaking Welsh, regardless of making any errors. It's lovely to hear more Welsh here and more people trying to use their Welsh.

Certainly, it is easy for somebody like me, Heledd Fychan, who was brought up in Anglesey to Welsh-speaking parents, to be here speaking Welsh. I was brought up in a community where there was almost no English. Indeed, it is when I went to university that I started speaking English day to day. So, I think it's vital that if we are serious about wanting to see the Welsh language surviving into the future, it's not people like me who are going to save the language, but those who do take that chance and who set out to learn and support the language.

As it's St David's Day, we will all remember today the words of St David in terms of doing the little things. Certainly, when it comes to the Welsh language and its survival, we can all, confident Welsh speakers, learners, and supporters of the language alike—and those with Welsh in their hearts, not in their heads—do the little things every day to ensure a future for the language. But it's also clear that this will not be enough, and that the Government needs to do the big things if we want to reach the goal of a million Welsh speakers. This is particularly true following the results of the recent census, with the number of Welsh speakers having fallen to 17.8 per cent, the lowest figure on record.

As we see in the Government's amendment, this runs counter to some other data sources. But as I have said a number of times now, it is worrying to hear the Government time and again questioning the census figures, given that, until this year, they have used them as the basis for planning the growth of the language. That is why, therefore, although we agree with the remaining points in the Government amendment, we as Plaid will abstain from supporting the amendment, as we do not believe that questioning the validity of the census data is genuinely helpful in terms of ensuring the survival of the language.

But setting the numbers issue aside for a moment, I hope that we can all agree that there has been a shift in attitudes towards the language over recent years, with more people generating positivity about the language and wanting to learn it. We can’t over-emphasise the importance of organisations such as the Football Association of Wales, the Urdd and others in terms of ensuring that more and more people begin to feel that the language belongs to them, whether they speak the language or not. I will never, as long as I am alive, forget seeing Gareth Bale and the rest of the team singing ‘Yma o Hyd’ together with Dafydd Iwan. That was a big moment for the language, and one that, you could argue, was rooted in the ‘Fate of the Language’—‘Tynged yr Iaith’—lecture by Saunders Lewis in 1962, which was the trigger for establishing Cymdeithas yr Iaith.

I’m going to call Gareth Davies next, and I understand that he has apologised to the Llywydd for his earlier contribution, and therefore, he is able to take part in this debate.

Thank you very much, acting Llywydd. It’s a pleasure to participate in this debate this afternoon, and though I can speak Welsh when I put my mind to it, I don’t usually speak as much Welsh as I should, perhaps. I think in English, therefore, I’d have to think twice if I hear or speak Welsh.

As everyone’s heard through this debate, the Welsh language is at the heart of our nation, and it is important that we safeguard and promote the language. Although we all want Wales to be a bilingual nation, unfortunately—

I'm sorry. You'll have to bear with me a little bit.

—the 2021 census figures do show a decline in the numbers of Welsh speakers. And it is important that we are honest about the causes and solutions to this.

The Conservative Government, under Margaret Thatcher, created S4C in 1982, bringing the Welsh language to homes in Wales as well as making the Welsh language equal with the English language. Now, 25 years of Labour and Plaid control haven't brought the Welsh language closer to the people of Wales and, indeed, there have been some retrograde steps. Because of this, the aspiration of a bilingual nation hasn't become a reality because of the failure of successive Governments here. Rather than continuing with the old order, the Welsh Conservatives are calling for the Welsh language to become a language used on a daily basis, rather than something that is consistently run by quangos and usually isn't appropriate to the culture of places like Rhyl and Prestatyn in the Vale of Clwyd. This is the best way for learners to develop confidence and to make the Welsh language a part of the identity of everyone in Wales, not just the first language speakers. Thank you very much.

Apologies—I'll speak in English.

I had no intention of speaking in this debate until I heard the beginning of it, and my Welsh is nowhere near good enough to write a speech in Welsh from the start in 10 minutes or a quarter of an hour, so I hope people will accept that.

Where are we with the Welsh language? Can I talk about some positives? When Members have visited English-medium primary schools, you must have been impressed by the amount of incidental Welsh that is used there, and not just 'Bore da, prynhawn da' and general greetings, but the amount of general incidental Welsh, and the amount of Welsh on the walls. And I'm sure not one of those children's parents put them down as Welsh speaking, yet every day, those children speak Welsh in school. And I think that's one of the problems with the self-assessment, or in many cases, the parental assessment, of the ability to speak Welsh: it gives you numbers and people will use them to beat the Government around the head or congratulate it—although I think beating it around the head is probably the more popular view—but I think that we do need to get to the bottom of where we are with the Welsh language.

The growth in Welsh-medium schools across Wales—and I can talk about Swansea East. When my stepdaughter went to school, there was only Ysgol Gyfun Gŵyr. Now, in secondary schools, there is Ysgol Gyfun Gymraeg Bryn Tawe, but also we used to have Ysgol Gynradd Gymraeg Lôn Las, the only Welsh-medium primary school. Now, and I'm just concentrating on Swansea East, we've got Ysgol Gymraeg y Cwm as well as Lôn Las, and then you've got Ysgol Gynradd Gymraeg Tan-y-lan, where my grandson goes, then you've got Ysgol Gynradd Gymraeg Tirdeunaw, where members of my family work. So, there has been a huge growth in the provision of Welsh-medium education. I'm sure somebody's going to say later on that, if you create Welsh-medium schools, parents will send their children to them. And I'm sure somebody else is going to say that we need more Welsh-medium schools. I don't disagree with any of that. I think we need to have a strategy very much on what level of Welsh-medium schools we think each area should have, rather than having a bottom-up approach by the local authority. Having this, 'We think Swansea should have...' and I can only talk about Swansea East, we could probably do with at least one more Welsh-medium primary school, though there are difficulties in finding somewhere. We're a highly built-up area, as anybody else who represents the area will be aware. So, there's not a lot of land anywhere near where people live.

Can I just talk about some of the problems? If I talk about Bro Cymru, the big Welsh-speaking heartland, which used to stretch from most of Ynys Môn right the way down to Cwmllynfell, it's become more patchy. I haven't seen the full results from this census, but at a quick guess, it will have become even more patchy. Amongst many arguments I had with the previous First Minister, I said, 'You need 80 per cent of the population speaking Welsh in an area for that language to be the language of the area', because if you've got 80 per cent speaking there, if you meet somebody, you've got a four in five chance of the person you're speaking to speaking in Welsh—it's worth trying. When you get down to 50 per cent, it's a one in two chance, and it's probably not worth trying. When I visit Caernarfon—I'm sure that other people know Caernarfon better then me; I'm sure that Heledd Fychan from Ynys Môn knows it far better than I do—it is the language of the street. If you go into a pub, they expect you to order beer in Welsh. If you order food, they expect you to order food in Welsh. And when you go into shops, they expect you to purchase items in Welsh. I come from Morriston where about one in five of the population speaks Welsh, but there's a lack of expectation. Some people do speak Welsh when they go into shops, et cetera, on a bit of a hit-or-miss basis, but most people don't bother. I could say that it's maybe the general politeness of Welsh speakers, but as my wife and daughter are both Welsh speakers, I wouldn't put it down to that.

I'm going to have my very first go today at siarad Cymraeg yn y Siambr.

As Eifion Wyn the poet said:

'Dearest Wales, my home / of fruits and lakes untold / her mountains all enfolded / my love will ne'er grow cold.'

It's great to take part in this debate and draw attention to the importance of the Welsh language. As a Member of the Senedd for Brecon and Radnorshire, I have communities where Welsh is the first language and I understand how important the language is to them.

I will say, Cadeirydd, that that is probably the most nerve-racking thing I've ever had to say in this Chamber, and as a Welsh learner, it is very difficult sometimes for people to come forward. As Mike Hedges said, sometimes, we feel that we're going to be laughed at, that we don't say things correctly. I personally feel a bit of pride for doing that in my own national Parliament, speaking in my own national tongue, and I think it's very, very important.

I don't want to do some summing up, but it's very like what Heledd said, actually, about somebody who learned Welsh in school. It's what I did; I had a GCSE and got a B in my GCSE yn Gymraeg, and I still feel very angry about the fact that I cannot use and converse in my natural, native tongue in Wales, because I'm not confident enough to do that. I think many young people like myself of my age, about 31, have that experience, and I think where I come from, in places of mid Wales, we didn't really have the opportunity to speak the language. There are only very few communities in my patch—Ystradgynlais in the south, Sennybridge and a few places in the north—which actually do speak Welsh, and I do feel a bit sorry for them, sometimes, when I go and meet constituents there that I cannot talk with them in the language that they wish speak. That is why I'm very supportive of work that the Welsh Government has been doing to try and get more Welsh-medium schools across all parts of Wales, because I want to see Welsh-medium education in places like Brecon and Radnorshire. Because if you are going to grow the Welsh language across Wales, you need to make sure that it's going places where the language has been forgotten and pushed out, and there are places in my constituency where I'm from, around the Hay-on-Wye area, in Radnorshire particularly, we have no Welsh-medium education. If we do, it's put in mainstream with English education and pupils tend to make their choices, and they tend to want to go into the English stream and desert the Welsh stream. And then that's just not good enough. So, I want to see more Welsh-medium education being delivered right across Wales, but especially in those places where I think the language has been forgotten.

And I'm not going to speak for very long today, but I just want to say to every Welsh learner out there: I spoke in our national Parliament with all the nerves and expectation of what you should say and how to say it right and I've done it, so I encourage every Welsh learner right across Wales to siarad Cymraeg—speak in Welsh—enjoy the language. And if we all speak Welsh, I'm sure the language will grow and we'll get more Welsh speakers right across our great nation. Diolch, Cadeirydd.

I'd like to thank the Conservatives for bringing this motion forward and to congratulate them on their contributions in the Welsh language. You mentioned the fact, and took pride in the fact, that S4C had been established by a Conservative Government. Of course, we would like to remind you about the stand taken by Gwynfor Evans, the former leader of Plaid Cymru, which led to the u-turn that led to the establishment of S4C. And I'd also like to pay tribute to the hundreds of campaigners, Cymdeithas yr Iaith Gymraeg and others, who fought for so long—for decades indeed—for a Welsh language channel, which has proven so crucial in safeguarding the Welsh language.

The census results do show a decline in the percentage of Welsh speakers in almost all areas, including for all age groups and for those between three and 15 years of age in all counties in my region. And the battle, as we have heard today, for access to Welsh-medium education has been long and frustrating in the area that I now represent, as in many areas of Wales. And it's a battle that I have lived through personally, not only for my own children in the Swansea area to try to open the Llwynderw Welsh-medium primary school, but also as a child growing up in Gwent, where the Labour council at the time—in the 1970s and 1980s—refused to open Welsh schools and were only willing to open units that were tied to English-medium schools. And I and my sister, because there was no comprehensive school—similar to what James Evans mentioned in his own area—had to travel across counties for many hours on buses to access Welsh-medium education.

And we also know that a high number of those who have been educated through the medium of Welsh lose their skills and confidence in using the language, having left school at 16 or 18 years old. I wouldn't be fluent—we spoke English at home—because I'm one of those characteristic stories where the grandparents were all Welsh-speaking, but my parents weren't given a Welsh-medium education, as children of the 1930s and 1940s, but were determined to campaign for Welsh-medium education so that my generation didn't miss out on the treasure that is the Welsh language.

We have to develop Welsh-medium and bilingual training and study opportunities in our further education colleges and in universities and in the workplace, as well as in our schools, for those in statutory education. And I'd like to pay tribute to the work of the Coleg Cymraeg Cenedlaethol in contributing directly to the aim of ensuring that this happens, and that people do continue to develop their Welsh language skills once they have left school. The continuity of this work is crucial if we are going to double the daily use of the Welsh language and create workplaces where people are confident in using the Welsh language—creating workplaces and creating communities. And I was recently at Neath College, where excellent work is being done to deliver that.

I now call on the Minister for Education and Welsh Language, Jeremy Miles.

Well, happy St David's Day to everyone. We should remember that the Welsh language isn't just for St David's Day, but for every day, and, whatever Welsh you do have, do make use of that Welsh language every chance you get: use, use, use—that's the solution. I have to say, I haven't heard Tom Giffard, Gareth Davies or James Evans speaking so much Welsh, so congratulations to them on making those contributions in Welsh. It was good to hear that, even if it wasn't good to hear that empty argument that Margaret Thatcher was the best friend of the Welsh language.

I often say that the Welsh language belongs to us all, as does the responsibility for its future. Our language is something that we have to include in all aspects of our work and daily lives throughout the year. Our aim is to make it a part of all aspects of our work within the Welsh Government, as Sioned Williams has just mentioned. Likewise, we want to provide opportunities for the people of Wales to use the Welsh language in their daily lives, because, essentially, language is about people—it doesn't exist without a community of people to speak the language. Only yesterday, the Minister for Social Justice made a statement on the ability of the Welsh language to bring communities together.

In terms of the motion before us, although I agree with the main message, I do think that we do need to add to it to recognise the work that we and our partners are already doing to put 'Cymraeg 2050' in train. First of all, let me emphasise our long-term commitment to our language. 'Cymraeg 2050' is a substantial work programme that is operational now, but will run for decades. You can't make progress in language policy overnight, and it's only since 2017 that the strategy has been in place, but, even in that brief period of time, we have ensured that every local authority in Wales has published plans to increase access to the Welsh language across all categories of schools, as Mike Hedges mentioned.

Before the end of the month, I will publish a work programme for next year, but bear in mind, at the end of the day, it's not documents that are important, but people, and the people of Wales are with us on the Welsh language. Eighty-six per cent of adults believe that our language is something to be proud of, so I continue to be optimistic about the journey before us. I'm not excusing the census results, but it's important to note that we don't know all of the facts in terms of holding a census during a global pandemic. I share the concern expressed by Members about the results. Since we have learnt of those results, we have carried out initial analysis of the statistics, and more results and more analysis is yet to come. It's important that we work on an evidence basis. It's worth noting that the different results from the Welsh language surveys tell us different things. The most recent annual population survey shows that over 900,000 people can speak Welsh, as compared to the 538,000 that the 2021 census notes. We need to know why that's the case, and I would encourage Heledd Fychan not to ignore that broader data; we must see the bigger picture. That's why officials are working with the Office for National Statistics in order to understand the situation better.

Will you take an intervention?

Yes, I will.

Thank you very much, Minister. And as you've named me, I thought I'd just want to say that I don't disregard the rest of the data, but, obviously, the 2011 census was the basis of the 'Cymraeg 2050' strategy. I'm just concerned that the other samples are smaller—for example, the national survey; I think it was 1,000 people, but you can correct me if I'm wrong—compared with the whole population having to contribute to the census. So, I certainly want to understand the data better, but my argument is that I don't understand the Government's shift in terms of emphasising the census's importance in the past and then disregarding it if it doesn't fit with what you want it to tell us this time.

Well, there's been no shift, and we are not disregarding anything. The census is our measure, but we have to look at the broader context if we want to base our policies on facts rather than what we would want to see. That's why looking at the bigger picture is so very important.

But, as I was saying, it's also important that we look at the work that the Commission for Welsh-speaking Communities will do, because there will certainly be some policy recommendations as a result of their work, and I'm sure there will be further opportunities for us to debate and discuss those.

The Member mentioned that the Welsh language is an important cultural asset; I agree. In looking at how football has embraced our language here in Wales and on the international stage over recent years, I think we can clearly see what sport can contribute to our language and our national ethos. I went to a Dydd Miwsig Cymru event recently. It was wonderful to see so much enthusiasm for the Welsh language and for our culture, not just in Wales but beyond too—people coming together because of the Welsh language, Welsh culture in Welsh. As I said, our language is about people. And the collaboration we saw on that day between schools, mentrau iaith and a host of other people and organisations was wonderful. I'd like to thank them and thank Dydd Miwsig Cymru for their work throughout the year.

I also announced a new grant to nurture skills and the ability to create opportunities for people to come together at Welsh language music events and gigs, and I do want to work with other Ministers, and Plaid Cymru, through the co-operation agreement, in order to root the Welsh language in our new culture strategy.

We heard from Tom Giffard at the outset about the confidence levels of Welsh speakers and the importance of increasing the opportunities to use the language. I agree; that's the core of my mission. That's why we have the National Centre for Learning Welsh, and I'd like to thank them for their work. Enabling and empowering new speakers, and those who haven't used the Welsh language routinely for a while, to use the Welsh that they have is crucially important. So, my message to everyone learning Welsh or those who speak Welsh but are perhaps lacking confidence is: go for it. Use what Welsh you have wherever you can, and I'll be working to create more opportunities for you. Word by word, sentence by sentence, you will develop confidence and also inspire others. The Government's commitment to our language is quite clear: we want to see a prosperous future for the language.

Will you take an intervention?

Certainly.

Diolch. Thank you, Minister, and Dydd Gŵyl Dewi hapus. I just wanted to just ask you about—. Everyone here, I think, wants to see Welsh language spoken more across Wales, but I'm wondering how we do that when we have a teacher retention and recruitment crisis at the moment, which also means that we can't attract those Welsh-speaking, core-subject-teaching teachers into our Welsh-medium schools, and, if we want to develop those Welsh-medium schools, which I think all parties have said that they want to see, how are we going to do that when we can't get the teachers into those Welsh-medium schools at the moment, speaking Welsh and teaching those core subjects? Thank you.

As the Member will know from our previous discussions, we've been working with our partners in relation to what is obviously the thorny challenge of increasing the numbers of teachers able to teach through the medium of Welsh. And happily, as she knows, we have a 10-year plan that we've been working on together, which is the product of lots of creativity and commitment right across Wales, and I thank all our partners for their contribution to that. We will want to make sure that everything in that plan is driven forward, so that we can maximise the opportunity of attracting people to the profession. We have a range of financial incentives, but other means as well of increasing the numbers coming into the profession to teach through the medium of Welsh.

And, as she knows, I'll be reporting regularly to the Senedd on progress against that plan, and I'm very clear that we will continue to build on the things that are effective and we'll stop doing the things that are not effective. The objective is to increase the numbers, as I know that she wants us to do as well, so that every child in Wales that wants a Welsh language education can receive one.

We hope that each and every one of you, from whatever party or linguistic experience, will commit today on St David's Day to working throughout the year to create a Wales where future generations can use the Welsh language in all aspects of their lives. The Welsh language belongs to us all, and as I'm sure Dewi Sant would say if he was contributing to this debate: be joyful, do the little things, and keep the faith.

I call on Tom Giffard to reply to the debate.

Thank you very much, temporary Presiding Officer. I agree with what the Minister said at the end—Welsh belongs to us all—and that's why it was nice to hear people who I know can speak some Welsh within our group, but we haven't heard it in the Chamber so far. So, could I just start by saying that I was very pleased to hear James Evans and Gareth Davies speaking Welsh in the Chamber today? So, I congratulate both of them. And the Minister is right in terms of what he said: 86 per cent of people believe that the Welsh language is something to be proud of, and he's right that it doesn't matter whether you speak Welsh or English, or if you know some Welsh words; it's important that you develop the language skills that you have, and, as I said at the outset, that was my story as well.

James Evans and Mike Hedges and the Minister talked about confidence, which is the most important thing when it comes to speaking Welsh and everyday Welsh language skills. But it's also important that people in Wales can have Welsh-medium education, and that's why it was nice to hear Sioned Williams and Mike Hedges talking about the importance of Welsh-medium schools and their availability. And Mike is right: both of us represent Swansea, and we've seen developments in the city of Swansea in terms of Welsh-medium schools over recent years. But as Heledd Fychan mentioned, 'Cymraeg 2050' has an ambitious target—nobody is shrinking from that. The only way that we can reach that target is by co-operating and working in partnership.

And the reason that we've brought this debate forward today is that we want to be a critical friend to the Government. We want to encourage the Minister to redouble his efforts, I hope, particularly if we look back at the 2021 census. I'm sure that we're all very aware of the challenges facing the education sector. We've heard Laura Anne Jones talking about the problems that the education sector faces, particularly in terms of the recruitment of Welsh speakers to teach through the medium of Welsh in first-language and second-language Welsh settings. And a high percentage of teachers are nearing retirement, and a great number of them could choose to retire early, but despite this we're not recruiting enough new teachers who can teach through the medium of Welsh. This will be a barrier in five, 10, 15 years' time, and it will hinder the Welsh Government's ambitions to have a million Welsh speakers, which we all want to see. According to the Welsh Government's own data, in order to reach that target, they should be recruiting 550 teachers per year, but the reality is very different—the true figure is 500 teachers short of the necessary recruitment target. So, in light of this, could I encourage the Minister for the Welsh language to redouble his efforts to ensure that we have enough teachers who can teach through the medium of Welsh in the future?

The proposal is to agree the motion without amendment. Does any Member object? [Objection.] There is an objection, and I will therefore defer voting until voting time.

That brings us to voting time. Unless three Members wish for the bell to be rung, we will move immediately to the vote. I see that three Members have indicated that they wish the bell to be rung, so the bell will be rung and voting will happen in five minutes' time.

That brings us to voting time. The first vote this afternoon is on item 6, the Plaid Cymru debate on industrial relations. I call for a vote on the motion without amendment, tabled in the name of Siân Gwenllian. Open the vote. In favour four, no abstentions—no, I do apologise. In favour 10, no abstentions, 35 against. Therefore, the unamended motion was not agreed.

Amendment 1 is next. I call for a vote on amendment 1, tabled in the name of Darren Millar. If amendment 1 is agreed, amendment 2 will be deselected. A vote therefore on amendment 1. Open the vote. Close the vote. In favour 12, no abstentions, 33 against. Therefore, amendment 1 is not agreed.

We'll move then to amendment 2, tabled in the name of Lesley Griffiths. Open the vote. Close the vote. In favour 24, no abstentions, 21 against, and therefore amendment 2 is agreed.

A vote now on the motion as amended.

Open the vote. Close the vote. In favour 32, no abstentions, 13 against, and therefore the motion as amended is agreed.

The next vote is on item 7, the Welsh Conservatives debate on the Welsh language. I call for a vote on the unamended motion tabled in the name of Darren Millar. Open the vote. Close the vote. In favour 22, no abstentions, 23 against, and therefore the motion is not agreed.

We will therefore vote on amendment 1, tabled in the name of Lesley Griffiths. Open the vote. Close the vote. In favour 24, nine abstentions, 12 against, and therefore amendment 1 is agreed.

We will now vote on the motion as amended.

Open the vote. Close the vote. In favour 45, no abstentions, and none against. Therefore, the motion as amended is agreed.

That concludes voting for this afternoon.

We will now move on to the short debate. This afternoon's short debate is to be presented by John Griffiths.

Thank you, Llywydd. Jayne Bryant and Peredur Owen Griffiths will speak for a minute each.

Llywydd, Deputy Minister, I want to start the short debate today by wishing you and everybody here in the Senedd a happy St David's Day. I am proud to have this debate on the day when we celebrate our patron saint. Like many in Newport East and throughout Wales, I will mark the day. I'm very proud to be from Newport and to be Welsh, but, as you will surely know, Minister, the feeling of Welshness in my city has not been straightforward. The history of Monmouthshire—which includes Newport—and its place in Wales has changed over four centuries.

Before the first Act of Union in 1535, which saw Wales annexed to England, Monmouthshire was considered Welsh. After the second Act of Union in 1542, it became complicated. Twelve Welsh counties were registered, but Monmouthshire was made directly responsible to courts of Westminster. The Welsh language was a key argument on the side of those claiming the county was Welsh. The English traveller George Borrow in 1862 wrote:

'Monmouthshire is at present considered an English county, though certainly with little reason, for it not only stands on the western side of the Wye, but the names of almost all its parishes are Welsh, and many thousands of its population still speak the Welsh language.'

Newport itself was predominantly a Welsh-speaking town in the early 1800s. More than 100 years later, though, Newport and Monmouthshire had a dominant English-speaking population, but it was growing culturally and economically closer to Wales.

I want to use today’s debate to explore Welsh identity in the city a bit further, to explain where I think it is at present but also how I think it can grow, especially amongst our younger generation, but also in the context of the Welsh Government’s ambitions to have 1 million Welsh speakers by 2050.

Back in November and just before the world cup, I was at Rodney Parade for Newport County’s game against Gillingham. Prior to kick-off, the prominent Welsh language campaigner and singer Dafydd Iwan performed his song 'Yma o Hyd' and just as we saw with the Red Wall during many of Wales’s world cup games we saw the county faithful singing in harmony. Prior to this debate we asked Dafydd how it felt to sing in Newport and he told us the following:

'I was very impressed by the warmth and, indeed, the very strong Welsh nature of the reception I received both at Rodney Parade and in the city centre. It was a joyous occasion, and I was struck by the numbers in the audience who spoke to me in Welsh. There is no doubt about it, Casnewydd is challenging Cardiff in the Welsh stakes.'

He also said he thoroughly enjoyed the experience and hoped to return in the future. Deputy Minister, I mention this because not many years ago, the idea of a Welsh language musician performing with the Rodney Parade faithful in harmony would have seemed fanciful.

Sticking to football for one moment, I want to also pay tribute to Wales international stalwart Chris Gunter, who was born in Newport East and attended St Julian's School. He was part of the recent golden generation of Welsh footballers and, until recently, was our most capped Welsh footballer in history with 109 international caps. Only a certain Gareth Bale now has more with 111. So, we should be very proud of Chris’s achievements.

In looking at Welsh identity in Newport, the devolution referendums are instructive. For me they are a sign of the progress and journey we have been on over the years and illustrate the growth in Welshness across the city. Some 26 years ago now, I chaired Newport Says Yes as part of the campaign for Wales to have its own national assembly, as it was known then. And whilst the ‘Yes for Wales’ campaign won across the country as a whole, in Newport a clear majority voted 'no'. But that result was a significant increase in support for devolution compared to the previous referendum in 1979. In neighbouring Monmouthshire, which covers part of my Newport East constituency, we saw similar results. Fourteen years on from the vote that established devolution, a second referendum on whether or not to grant the then Assembly primary law-making powers saw 54 per cent of voters in Newport in favour, continuing the trend for greater support for Wales taking more responsibility and powers to serve our communities.

Deputy Minister, I also want to talk about the 2021 census data and put on record some of the findings that were recorded for us locally. Ringland, an area of Newport East heavily influenced by the nearby Llanwern steelworks since the 1960s, has 56.3 per cent of people identifying as Welsh only, but in terms of Welsh language skills, over 90 per cent of people there said they had no Welsh skills. And in Beechwood and other areas of the constituency, it is a similar situation. So, although language isn't the only factor, obviously, when people think about their Welshness, it is an important one that people will consider. Given some of the figures I've just referred to, we do need to look at some of the factors underlying that further.

It's why I very much welcome the ambition by Welsh Government to have 1 million Welsh speakers by 2050. In places like Newport, we need to understand the situation, and Newport is ready to play our part and help realise those targets set by the Welsh Government. Deputy Minister, I would be grateful if you could say a little more about how you and the Welsh Government can work with people in these areas and tap into the strong sense of Welshness that people feel, to in turn increase the Welsh language skills and Welsh culture in the area.

Newport City Council have a Welsh language plan, and are taking this issue very seriously. It will celebrate the Welsh language as part of our shared identity and increase opportunities for everyone to see, hear, learn and use our national language. The long-term aspiration is to increase the number of Welsh speakers, raise awareness, and increase visibility of the language across all our communities. They want to offer opportunities for those with all levels of Welsh to practise and speak the language in a safe, friendly and supportive environment, and to engage with those who might not be aware of the language or its benefits. At the launch of the council's 'Many faces of Welsh-ness' campaign, Janice Dent, policy and partnerships manager, said:

'It might be seen as a white British language but we are trying to engage all communities in Newport.'

This is an approach I very much welcome. At the same launch, Councillor Miqdad Al-Nuaimi, who represents Stow Hill, said:

'Quite a lot of ethnic minority people want their children to speak Welsh.'

This has been my experience as well. One of the co-founders of a football supporters group for Welsh south Asians called Amar Cymru, which has strong roots in Newport, Shah Alom, has been keen to relearn and take up Welsh in his spare time.

We have festivals in Newport including the Gŵyl Newydd. This is a new event for the people of Newport and beyond, taking place in September at the Riverfront theatre. It brings together a number of organisations and volunteers to provide a day of activities and performances. Groups include Cymdeithas Cymry Casnewydd, a Newport Welsh society organising regular meetings and celebrations for Welsh speakers and learners alike. They have an office in Newport market and offer a very wide offer for the people of the city. Another is Merched y Wawr, a group for women of all ages, Welsh speakers and learners. They meet regularly.

Deputy Minister, I want to finish by talking about my constituent and my friend, Olwen, who was formerly a Welsh teacher here in the Senedd. She was nine years old when she moved to Newport from Cardiff, where she was fortunate to go to a Welsh primary school. When they moved to Newport, there was very little Welsh in the town, as it was then, and certainly nothing in the schools.

In the 1960s, with Lilian Jones, the first headteacher at Ysgol Gyfun Gwynllyw, her mother started a Welsh language school on Saturday mornings. She and many other people fought for Welsh-medium education in Newport. The first unit was established at ysgol Clytha in the early 1970s, and Olwen's little sister was a pupil. Interestingly, one of the pupils at the school on Saturday morning became the first headteacher of Ysgol Gyfun Gwent Is Coed.

Olwen is happy and proud that her children went to the unit at High Cross School before the first Welsh school—Ysgol Gymraeg Casnewydd—opened in the 1990s. From there, they went to Ysgol Gyfun Gwynllyw. Today, the children in Olwen’s family are in Welsh-medium education, one at Ysgol Gymraeg Ifor Hael and one at Ysgol Gyfun Gwent Is Coed. I agree with Olwen when she said that things have certainly changed in Newport.

Llywydd, as someone committed to devolution and to Newport, it is very pleasing to reflect on the progress we have made. We now have a Parliament for Wales—something generations have campaigned for and worked to achieve. Newport and Wales have a stronger Welsh identity reinforced by the new democratic settlement. It is important for people to have a clear sense of their place in the world, their history and culture, a base from which to sally forth into education, work and life. Language is a key part of identity, and all in Wales, whether they are fortunate to speak Welsh or not, benefit from our unique language and its central role in our history and culture. Diolch yn fawr.

I'm really grateful to my good friend and fellow Newportonian for leading this debate today.

Thank you, John. It's a pleasure to contribute today.

Now, I want to start my contribution by insisting that I'm not that old, yet, when I went to primary school in Newport, I was taught the national anthem in English. I have to say that that's never come in handy, but, thankfully, my parents and grandparents had already taught me it in Welsh.

Newport, through its old Monmouthshire county days, was not seen as fully part of Wales, and that changed in the 1970s, as John said, and, since then, there has been a growing sense of pride in our Welsh identity. This has been helped by the Welsh music scene in Newport from the 1980s and 1990s, and the use of the Welsh language in schools, and more widely in the community.

It hasn't come easy, but the changes have come about because of the hard work and dedication of people such as Elin Maher, whose energy and passion has helped to drive advancements in the Welsh language in Newport. On the weekend, my mum and her friend attended an event in the fantastic new Newport market, where learners could listen to the Mabinogi through Welsh, and I assure you that that would not have happened 10 or 15 years ago.

I want to close by paying tribute to my late friend, Paul Flynn, or his bardic name, Paul y Siartwr. He was a proud Welshman, and learning Welsh as an adult, he championed the Welsh language, and was a passionate advocate for its use. Paul said that there were two languages spoken in Caerleon in Roman times—intra muros, it was Latin, and extra muros, it was Welsh. If any of the centurions in Caerleon had suggested that the language that would survive to this day would be Welsh, it would have been thought a very curious forecast. But that is the truth. He said,

'Languages represent the humour, wit and passion of generations echoing down the centuries and all of them are unique in their own way. We have the great luck to possess the inheritance of a glorious ancient language, with a wonderful literature that lives, full of virility, variety and enthusiasm. We should celebrate that'.

I'm confident that he would be delighted at the progress. Long may it continue. Dydd Gŵyl Dewi hapus i chi i gyd.

Thank you very much to John for bringing this debate forward.

This debate has made me think of a recent conversation I had at an event, and a subsequent e-mail I received from a constituent. I was at an event and we got into a discussion about what it is to be Welsh. I said that, in my opinion—and it is only my humble opinion—if you call Wales your home and you feel Welsh, then as far as I'm concerned, you're Welsh. This is the e-mail I received and it was titled, 'A personal thank you':

'I just wanted to offer a personal thank you for a conversation we had at a recent event. I mentioned that Brexit had taken away my European identity, and although I've lived all my adult life in Wales and that my family are here, having been born in London I felt one couldn't become Welsh because there was no legal mechanism for doing so. You kindly said that there was no concern at all about self-identifying as Welsh. Last week, whilst filling in paperwork for a house move, I had my first chance to declare that I am Welsh on a formal document. Thank you kindly for your encouragement'.

Minister, I'd like to know how we can encourage more people to feel confident and self-identify as Welsh, regardless of where they're born. Diolch yn fawr.

I now call the Deputy Minister for Arts and Sport, and Chief Whip to reply to the debate—Dawn Bowden.

Thank you, Dirprwy Lywydd, and thank you, John, for bringing this debate to the Chamber. Thank you also to everyone who's contributed to the short debate this afternoon. It truly feels like a celebration of Welshness here in the Chamber, with many statements, contributions and a number of debates to mark St David's Day.

Sorry, I was getting feedback in my ear on the translation. Apologies.

So, my colleague, Jane Hutt, the Minister for Social Justice, spoke yesterday about how Wales is a community of communities, and her statement to the Senedd spoke about how the Welsh language and culture are something to celebrate and how we as a Government and our partners should embrace our Welsh identity and language as something that should bring the people of Wales and communities together.

Llywydd, John Griffiths spoke about his Welsh identity and his city's relationship with Welshness, and as the Minister with responsibility for culture and heritage, I welcome the question that John poses today, and that is: how do we learn from the past to ensure a prosperous future for Wales, Newport and the Welsh language? And he also mentioned football, of course, and he immediately got my attention at that point, because that's something that he knows is very close to my heart. So, I'd also like to add my tribute to Chris Gunter's outstanding contribution to the Wales national football team over the years—a team that is also very important to our national culture.

Llywydd, if I could now just briefly highlight what we are doing in the Newport area specifically, but across Wales as a whole. I'll start by talking about the culture strategy, and we're working with Plaid Cymru on a shared commitment to develop a new culture strategy for Wales that we hope will be available later this year. Our vision for that new strategy is that it will offer forward-looking, values-based direction for the sectors in scope, and that it will strengthen collaborative working and cohesion across our cultural sectors, and underpin all areas of society. The concepts of cultural democracy and developing the links between culture and well-being will be important considerations for the new strategy, and in developing that strategy, we will want to ensure that our sectors, our collections and our cultural activities reflect Wales as a confident, bilingual, diverse, inclusive, reflective and forward-looking nation.

Culture and identity are based on an immeasurable variety of perspectives and experiences, which you've set out very clearly in your introduction, John. So, it's not for Government to attempt to define what this should be at an individual or a community level, but we can and should be thinking about how we include, reflect, support, celebrate and better understand the multidimensional nature of culture and identity in Wales. And the strategy will hopefully be a catalyst to bring communities together to celebrate that rich diversity of identities that exist not only in Newport, but across the whole nation.

But can I now turn specifically to Newport? It’s an excellent example of how a locality’s history impacts on wider Welsh and UK history, helping shape not only local, but also national identity. You already referred to the Chartists; nobody can talk about Newport without talking about the Chartists, and the museum’s Chartists collection, of course, tells the story of a proud and significant Welsh contribution to a British movement that actioned significant political reform. And it’s 20 years since the Newport ship was uncovered during excavations on the riverside, and the planks of that fifteenth-century vessel have now been conserved and are ready to be pieced back together. This is a find of international significance and reflects the importance of maritime travel and trade for Wales across the centuries, which has greatly influenced the Wales that we see today.

To turn to Welsh, the Minister for Education and the Welsh Language has already spoken in the Chamber this afternoon about the significant work that’s being done to promote the Welsh language and culture across Wales.

I’m aware of the brilliant work that Menter Iaith Casnewydd are doing in Newport for the Welsh language. The £60,000 in grant funding that we provide to Menter Iaith goes towards promoting and increasing the use of Welsh in Newport communities, and I know that one of their priorities is to increase the use of Welsh amongst families, and to provide more opportunities for children and young people to use their Welsh outside of the school, as well as increasing opportunities for the wider community and learners to use their Welsh. The Menter Iaith has opened a unit in a prominent position in the market with the intention of being a focal point for Welsh language and culture on Newport High Street. As well as holding numerous activities organised by the Menter, such as after-school clubs for children, it’s also a space that can be used by local community groups and is suitable for performances, holding hybrid meetings, and also contains a display area that is open to organisations, schools, artists, business and local groups. The Menter Iaith has also established a number of community groups where people come together to use their Welsh, and with the help of the Menter Iaith, these groups are now able to operate by themselves.

So, to conclude, Dirprwy Lywydd, as I often say when I’m asked, I am English by birth, but I am Welsh by choice, and like others, I am very proud of our Welsh heritage, culture and language, and how this contributes to our sense of Welsh identity, which we see in Newport and which has been so passionately expressed by Members representing that city here in the Senedd, and which is, and will continue to be, supported by this Welsh Government. Diolch yn fawr iawn.

And that concludes today’s proceedings and brings them to a close.